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David Bowie Exhibition at The Victoria & Albert Museum / London

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David Bowie is: About the Exhibition
The V&A has been given unprecedented access to the David Bowie Archive to curate the first international retrospective of the extraordinary career of David Bowie - one of the most pioneering and influential performers of modern times. David Bowie is will explore the creative processes of Bowie as a musical innovator and cultural icon, tracing his shifting style and sustained reinvention across five decades.

The V&A’s Theatre and Performance curators, Victoria Broackes and Geoffrey Marsh have selected more than 300 objects that will be brought together for the very first time. They include handwritten lyrics, original costumes, fashion, photography, film, music videos, set designs, Bowie’s own instruments and album artwork.

The exhibition will explore the broad range of Bowie’s collaborations with artists and designers in the fields of fashion, sound, graphics, theatre, art and film. On display will be more than 300 objects including Ziggy Stardust bodysuits (1972) designed by Freddie Burretti, photography by Brian Duffy; album sleeve artwork by Guy Peellaert and Edward Bell; visual excerpts from films and live performances including The Man Who Fell to Earth, music videos such as Boys Keep Swinging and set designs created for the Diamond Dogs tour (1974). Alongside these will be more personal items such as never-before-seen storyboards, handwritten set lists and lyrics as well as some of Bowie’s own sketches, musical scores and diary entries, revealing the evolution of his creative ideas.
In http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/exhibitions/david-bowie-is/about-the-exhibition/




Ch-Ch-Ch Changes of David Bowie
By ROSLYN SULCAS in The New York Times / http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/23/arts/music/david-bowie-is-opens-at-the-victoria-and-albert-in-london.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0
Published: March 22, 2013

LONDON — A photograph hangs inconspicuously near the entrance of “David Bowie Is,” a Victoria and Albert Museum exhibition opening on Saturday that has already sold a record number of tickets. It shows the young man who began life as David Jones, seated, in a dark suit and tie, with a leg propped up on his chair, beneath which sits a drum bearing the name of his band, the Kon-rads. One hand grips a saxophone, the other rests delicately against his face, and he looks out at the world with a mesmerizing blend of reserve and come-hither allure.
The carefully choreographed pose, the angelic face, the calculation of the gaze, suggest much about the teenager who would become the protean figure known as David Bowie. Immediately apparent is his understanding of body language, image and the importance of seduction — elements that have played a vital role in the career of a pop star who was a performance artist before that term was widely used.

The idea of an exhibition built around the life and nearly 50-year career of Mr. Bowie is ambitious. How to show the many guises — a new one just provided by the surprise appearance early this month of a new album, “The Next Day” — of a man who throughout his career has relentlessly reinvented his persona and his music with astonishing rapidity and unpredictability? How to make “David Bowie Is” something more than an array of artifacts, from old record covers and photographs to a panoply of costumes and videos? How to suggest the voracious appetite with which Mr. Bowie has both absorbed and anticipated the social and cultural currents of his time?

That the show has happened at all is, on the face of things, unlikely. Mr. Bowie, now 66, is famously guarded. He hasn’t performed in public since 2006, does not give interviews and appears to live as inconspicuously as possible in New York with his wife, the former model Iman, and their daughter. The release of “The Next Day” came as a surprise to almost everyone, including the Victoria and Albert — “although no one believes us,” lamented Geoffrey Marsh, who, with Victoria Broackes, is co-curator of the exhibition.

But toward the end of 2010, the museum received a phone call from an associate of Mr. Bowie’s.

“We were just talking generally about various possibilities,” Mr. Marsh said, speaking in one of the galleries as a video played of Mr. Bowie, in a turquoise suit, singing “Life on Mars.” “Then he said, ‘Are you interested in David?’ ”

It turned out that Mr. Bowie is one of those people who have never thrown anything away. Even better, he believes in organizing everything he has never thrown away. Mr. Marsh and Ms. Broackes traveled to New York to find a 75,000-piece collection that an archivist had spent several years organizing.

“The deal was that we could borrow anything from the archive, but that he would have nothing to do with the exhibition; that all the text must be checked for factual accuracy by the archivist, but the interpretation is ours,” Mr. Marsh said.

Why the intensely private Mr. Bowie, who declined to be interviewed for this article, should have decided at this point to open his archive, life and career to such interpretation is essentially an unanswered question.

“He has had a very long absence from touring, and I think that he doesn’t want to go out on the road, but wants to stay in touch with his audience,” said Kevin Cann, the author of “Any Day Now,” a biography of Mr. Bowie’s early years. “This is him reaching out and sharing.”

To the curators’ credit, “David Bowie Is” — as the open-ended title indicates — attempts something more complex than a single reading of a career that has encompassed an astonishing range of musical and cultural directions. “Discover the recipes you are using and abandon them,” reads one of Brian Eno and Peter Schmidt’s “Oblique Strategies” cards, displayed in the exhibition. That might well be Mr. Bowie’s motto.

From his red-haired, outlandishly costumed, sexually ambiguous incarnation of glam-rock in his 1972 breakthrough album, “The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders From Mars”; to the Weimar cabaret-influenced persona of the Thin White Duke in 1975; to the surrealist Pierrot figure of the 1980 “Ashes to Ashes”; to the Union Jack-coated master (or is he?) of all he surveys on the 1997 “Earthling” album, Mr. Bowie has remained eternally mutable and essentially unknowable.

“Until the Beatles came along, the previous models in rock were that you had a hit, then recycled that until you had bored everyone,” said the music writer Jon Savage in a telephone interview. “I think Bowie picked up that idea of constant change in a more extreme way. Until then, rock music had been about the idea of authenticity, and he shattered that. Saying he was gay at the same time as he had a wife gave the message, this is pop music, this is an area for play, experimentation, have fun. It’s a place outside the norms of society, where you can try different things in a performative way.”

The challenge for “David Bowie Is,” Mr. Marsh said, was to convey the idea of performance and the scope of Mr. Bowie’s cultural references.

“He got the stage, not just as a physical thing but a philosophical thing,” Mr. Marsh said, “and that’s difficult to get over in an exhibition.”

The curators’ decision was to organize the show by theme rather than chronology. The first section is devoted to Mr. Bowie’s early years, displaying photographs, albums and documents. (His favorite authors are “Kafka, Camus, Pinter, Behan, Waterhouse and Wilde,” an early biographical note tells us.)

But the rest of the exhibition is arranged around costumes, songwriting, collaborators and — in a final spectacular display of floor-to-ceiling screens — performance. Mr. Bowie’s music is in the air, throughout, by virtue of headsets worn by visitors that pick up the tracks in each section of the show.

The immersive experience that results seems fitting for an artist described in a telephone interview by the author Camille Paglia as “totally in the senses.” Ms. Paglia, who has contributed an essay to the exhibition catalog, delivered a passionate defense of Mr. Bowie as a major artist and as a counter against what she called the “word-drunk, word-centered, body-phobic” tendencies of postmodernism.

“He is a product of Surrealism, of Dada, of the Modernist arts,” she said. “He is body-based, always completely in the role he is playing. His tremendous physical virtuosity, his understanding of costume and how it is an imaginative projection of your body, is part of the biggest thing about him: he is so deeply emotional. I’m so happy with the return of David Bowie.”
“David Bowie Is” is on view through Aug. 11 at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London; vam.ac.uk.











Scandalous women in British history.in The Telegraph / http://www.telegraph.co.uk/expat/expatpicturegalleries/9370433/Scandalous-women-in-British-history.html?frame=2264979

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The promiscuous Jane Digby was a 19th century aristocrat famous for her long list of husbands and lovers – including King Otto of Greece, King Ludwig I of Bavaria, and a Greek count. Eventually she married the Syrian sheikh Abdul Medjuel el Mezrab, and spent half of each year living in the desert as a nomad.
Picture: INTERFOTO / Alamy
In 1963, during the divorce proceedings of the Duke and Duchess of Argyll, scandalous pictures emerged of the Duchess showing her naked except for her signature pearl necklace, and performing sex acts on a mysterious man. It was widely rumoured that her partner was the minister of defence, Duncan Sandys, but she never revealed his identity.
Picture: Daily Mail /Rex Features

Emmeline Pankhurst, leader of the suffragette movement, shocked society with her demands that women should have the right the vote. Pankhurst's violent tactics – including arson and window smashing – were deeply controversial even within her own movement, and she was imprisoned several times.

One of history's most famous femme fatales, Edward II's French queen Isabella famously overthrew her husband with the aid of her lover, Roger Mortimer, in 1326. Atfer her son, Edward, wrested back power, Mortimer was executed, but Isabella was allowed to live.
Picture: Classic Image / Alamy

The Ladies of Llangolen were two aristocratic Irish women who caused a major scandal in 1778 when, rather than be forced into arranged marriages, they ran away together to set up house in Wales. The couple became something of a tourist attraction, with luminaries such as Wordsworth, Shelley and Sir Walter Scott all paying them a visit.
Picture: Mary Evans Picture Library / Alamy
The beautiful Diana Mitford caused the society scandal of the year in 1933 when she left her husband Bryan Guinness for Oswald Mosely, leader of the British Union of Fascists. Both she and her Mosely were interned during the Second World War for their supposed Nazi sympathies.
Picture: Daily Mail /Rex Features
American divorcée Wallis Simpson was catapulted into infamy when Edward VIII abdicated to marry her. Bizarre rumours of how she had captivated the the King –including, most famously, that she had learnt sex techniques from prostitutes in China – circulated until the end of her life. The Queen Mother is said to have once dubbed her "the lowest of the low".
Picture: Everett Collection/Rex Features
Vita Sackville-West raised eyebrows with her unorthodox open marriage to Sir Harold Nicholson, which saw both of them have frequent affairs with members of the opposite sex. Once, when she eloped with her lover Violet Trefusis to France, Sir Harold was forced to cross the Channel to try to persuade her back.
Picture: Lebrecht Music and Arts Photo Library / Alamy
The married Lady Caroline Lamb found herself embroiled in scandal in 1812, when she embarked on an affair with Lord Byron. After the relationship ended, she was taken in disgrace to Ireland, but continued to obsess over him till the end of her life.
Picture: Lebrecht Music and Arts Photo Library / Alamy
Writer Mary Wollstonecraft was famous for defending women's rights, as well as for her unconventional personal life. A frank biography published by her husband William Godwin after her death, which revealed, among other things, that she had borne a child out of wedlock, provoked outrage.
Picture: Lebrecht Music and Arts Photo Library / Alamy
The demanding behaviour of King Charles II's mistress Barbara Palmer, the Duchess of Cleveland, was so notorious that the writer John Evelyn christened her "the curse of a nation". Extravagant and powerful, Villiers was in fact married throughout her liasions with Charles, but bore the King five acknowledged children.
Picture: Getty Images
Caroline Norton was a famous beauty who scandalised society when she left her husband in 1836, prompting him to accuse her of adultery with the home secretary, Lord Melbourne. Although she was not found guilty, Norton's reputation was damaged, and she had to use her wits to survive. She is now remembered as a famous writer and social reformer.
Picture: Hilary Morgan / Alamy
Georgiana, the Duchess of Devonshire (portrayed here by Keira Knightley in the film The Duchess) famously lived for years in a menage a trois with her husband and his mistress. She also became notorious for her active political campaigning, unusual for a woman at the time, and is said to have had an affair with the Whig statesman Charles James Fox.
Picture: Daily Mail /Rex Features
When Victorian actresss Fanny Kemble moved to America to marry the slave plantation owner Pierce Mease Butler, she was horrified by the conditions she found there – though her husband barred her from publishing her thoughts. After a messy divorce, she published a journal of her time on the plantation which shocked America, and became a prominent anti-slavery campaigner.
Picture: Mary Evans Picture Library / Alamy

In the late 1970s Cynthia Payne, a party planner, hit the headlines when police raided her London home and found a sex party in progress, at which the patrons had paid for services in luncheon vouchers. She spent four months in Holloway prison, and later published an aptly-named book calledEntertaining at Home.
Picture: Bill Johnson / Associated Newspapers /Rex Features




"INTERMEZZO" ... Remains of the day ...

Le Tabou Saint-Germain

Le Tabou / Les Deux Magots / St Germain des Prés.

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Le Tabou was a cellar club located at 33 Rue Dauphine in Saint Germain des Pres, Paris. The club opened shortly after Club des Lorientais on 11 April 1947. The Club first went unnoticed, a late night drinking haunt of the local press distribution service but became famous as a haunt of the existentialists.
The early years

Le Tabou operated with a late licence, until 4am, that suited the local press distribution service, who contributed a significant portion of its clientele. The nighthawks began to frequent the cafe in 1945, attracted by the late night opening when leaving Le Flore or Les Deux Magots.
September 1946 saw the 'intellectualising' of Le Tabou. Poets including Tousky, Camille Bryen and de Beaumont began to frequent the cafe alongside painters such as Desseau and Wols. The neighbourhood writers including Queneau, Sartre, Canas and Pichette were soon also regular patrons alongside a host of others.
[edit]Jazz at Le Tabou

Jazz quickly established itself in this underground haven with a Trio composed of Boris Vian, his two brothers alongside anyone else with a desire to play. "This smoke-filled dive was to become a veritable legend on the Saint Germain scene, providing a meeting-point for young bohemians, as well as a host of famous musicians and artists. Boris Vian was a regular at Le Tabou, as were Jean Cocteau and the legendary jazz trumpet-player Miles Davis. Needless to say, Juliette Gréco also made it her local haunt" 
The Decline

"From July to August 1947 the party was in full stride. Agitated by the noise made by the late night clients as they left, the residents of Rue Dauphine had for sometime been enthusiastically emptying their chamberpots onto the heads of the imprudent customers. This only caused the clamor of the crowd to grow louder" 
Complaints from the local residents caused Le Tabou's late license to be revoked and the club was forced to close at midnight. The opening of the late night celler club at 13 Rue Saint-Benoit coincided with Le Tabou's decline.











 Les Deux Magots  is a famous café in the Saint-Germain-des-Prés area of Paris, France. It once had a reputation as the rendezvous of the literary and intellectual élite of the city. It is now a popular tourist destination. Its historical reputation is derived from the patronage of Surrealist artists, intellectuals such as Simone de Beauvoir and Jean-Paul Sartre, and young writers, such as Ernest Hemingway. Other patrons included Albert Camus, Pablo Picasso, and the American writer Charles Sutherland.
The Deux Magots literary prize has been awarded to a French novel every year since 1933.


 The name originally belonged to a fabric and novelty shop at nearby 23 Rue de Buci. The shop sold silk lingerie and took its name from a popular play of the moment (1800s) entitled Les Deux Magots de la Chine (Two Figurines from China.) In 1873 the business transferred to its current location in the Place Saint-Germain-des-Prés. In 1884 the business changed to a café and liquoriste, keeping the name.
Auguste Boulay bought the business in 1914, when it was on the brink of bankruptcy, for 400,000 francs (anciens). The present manager, Catherine Mathivat, is his great-great-granddaughter.










Café de Flore.

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The Café de Flore, at the corner of Boulevard Saint-Germain and Rue St. Benoit, in the 6th arrondissement, is one of the oldest and the most prestigious coffeehouses in Paris, celebrated for its famous clientele.
The classic Art Deco interior of all red seating, mahogany and mirrors has changed little since World War II. Like its main rival, Les Deux Magots, it has hosted most of the French intellectuals during the post-war years.
In his essay "A Tale of Two Cafes" and his book Paris to the Moon, American writer Adam Gopnik mused over the possible explanations of why the Flore had become, by the late 1990s, much more fashionable and popular than its rival, Les Deux Magots, despite the fact that the latter cafe was associated with Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Albert Camus, and other famous thinkers of the 1940s and 1950s. Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai was known to be a frequent patron of Café de Flore during his years in France in the 1920s
The Prix de Flore, a literary prize inaugurated by Frédéric Beigbeder in 1994, is awarded annually at the Café de Flore.


45/50 Paris after the war

Existentialism became incarnate in the Youth, who was mad with freedom, Juliette Gréco, Boris Vian…Existentialism was a fashion and Juliette Gréco imposed her « long »style. Boris Vian wrote « Le manuel de Saint-Germain-des-Prés », played the trumpet in nightclubs, wrote poems too, he really lived in his times and was one of the principal actors. Saint-Germain-des-Prés was a place to meet people and to become friends., a real laboratory where any proposed his form, his color, his taste, his vision of liberty, because it was all about liberty though. Arthur Koestler, Ernest Hemingway, Truman Capote, Lawrence Durrel were faithful, they were members of the PCF (the French Communist Party at that time), of the Pouilly Club of France created by Boubal, anecdotal party which bore the name of the famous white wine served at the Café. The Boss greeted at noon the Surrealist friends of André Breton, and on the evening Albert Camus or the four hussars: Nimier, Déon, Kléber Haedens and Jacques Laurent, while Albert Vidalie and Antoine Blondin began memorable « fights » with hard-boiled or even fresh eggs which spattered either the Prevert’s brothers and their friends of the « October Group », or Artaud or Vian. Daniel Gélin and Danielle Delorme were young and good-looking. It was at the Café where they hid their love, Jacques Tati certainly met them, Sacha Guitry was probably envious.

http://www.cafedeflore.fr/accueil-english/history/1945-50/  


60’s La Nouvelle Vague
« At that time, it was as if all the Cinema gathered there: writers and their muses, screenwriters, stage designers, almost everyone who participated in the creation »
Daniel Gélin.

All the cinema seized the Café: Christian Vadim, Jane Fonda, Jane Seberg, Roman Polansky, Marcel Carné. Brigitte Bardot, Alain Delon, Losey and Belmondo preferred sit outside, as Simone Signoret, Yves Montand or Gerard Philipe did before. Daniel Fillipachi assiduously frequented the Café he knew when he was a little boy, when he came with his dad. Léo Férré never entered the Café without Pépé, his female monkey, on the shoulder. The intelligentsia at that time, those who were famous or not yet were present too: Alain Robbe-Grillet, Michel Butor, Sollers, Sagan, Roland Barthes, Nathalie Sarraute, Romain Gary. Also the World of Fashion, its designers – Yves Saint-Laurent and Pierre Bergé, Rochas, Gunnar Larsen, Givenchy, Lagerfeld, Paco rabanne, Guy Laroche – as its creatures »: the most beautiful and famous models in the world. Thierry Le Luron, and his accomplices Jacques Chazot, Mourousi and Jean-Marie Rivière, also Régine, Castel and the Botton Brothers came and contemplated the models discreetly. A muddle: César, tristan Tzara, Alberto Giacometti, Dali, Pierre Seghers, Pierre Brasseur, Alice Sapritch, Serge Reggiani, Jean Vilar and Jacques Lacan,a psychoanalyst, extended the tradition of the Café de Flore, in the 60’s.
http://www.cafedeflore.fr/accueil-english/history/annees-60/











"Intermezzo" in Lisbon ... "Remains of the Day"

London Transport Aldenham Works Tilt Test.


London double decker bus , inside pics. HOVM the Hague

Journey by a London Bus (1950)

The London Bus

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The London Bus is one of London's principal icons, the archetypal red rear-entrance Routemaster being recognised worldwide. Although the Routemaster has now been largely phased out of service, with only two heritage routes still using the vehicles, the majority of buses in London are still red and therefore the red double-decker bus remains a widely recognised symbol of the city.


Buses have been used on the streets of London since 1829, when George Shillibeer started operating his horse drawn omnibus service from Paddington to the city. In 1850 Thomas Tilling started horse bus services, and in 1855 the London General Omnibus Company or LGOC was founded to amalgamate and regulate the horse-drawn omnibus services then operating in London.
LGOC began using motor omnibuses in 1902, and manufactured them itself from 1909. In 1904 Thomas Tilling started its first motor bus service. The last LGOC horse-drawn bus ran on 25 October 1911, although independent operators used them until 1914.
In 1909 Thomas Tilling and LGOC entered into an agreement to pool their resources. The agreement restricted the expansion of Thomas Tilling in London, and allowed the LGOC to lead an amalgamation of most of London's bus services. However, also in 1909 Thomas Clarkson started the National Steam Car Company to run steam buses in London in competition with the LGOC. In 1919 the National company reached agreement with the LGOC to withdraw from bus operation in London, and steam bus services ceased later that year.
In 1912 the Underground Group, which at that time owned most of the London Underground, bought the LGOC. In 1933 the LGOC, along with the rest of the Underground Group, became part of the new London Passenger Transport Board. The name London General was replaced by London Transport, which became synonymous with the red London bus.
Bus numbers were first used in 1906. When the independent firms started in 1922, they used General route numbers, along with suffixes from the alphabet to denote branch routes. In 1924, under the London Traffic Act, the Metropolitan Police was given the authority of allocating route numbers, which all buses had to carry. This ultimately led to chaos and in the London Passenger Transport Act of 1933 the powers of allocating route numbers was taken away from the police and handed once again to professional busmen.[Suffixes were gradually abolished over the decades, the last such route in London being the 77A, which became the 87 in June 2006.
The LPTB, under Lord Ashfield, assumed responsibility for all bus services in the London Passenger Transport Area, an area with a radius of about 30 miles of central London. This included the London General country buses (later to be London Transport's green buses), Green Line Coaches and the services of several Tilling Group and independent companies.
London buses continued under the London Transport name under the management of the LPTB (1933 to 1947), the London Transport Executive (1948 to 1962), the London Transport Board (1963 to 1969), the Greater London Council (1970 to 1984) and London Regional Transport (1984 to 2000). However in 1969 legislation was passed to transfer the green country services, outside the area of the Greater London Council, to the recently-formed National Bus Company. Trading under the name London Country the green buses and Green Line Coaches became the responsibility of a new NBC subsidiary, London Country Bus Services, on 1 January 1970.
In the 1980s the government of Margaret Thatcher decided to privatise the bus operating industry in the United Kingdom, which at that time was dominated by London Transport in London, large municipally-owned operators in other major cities and the government-owned National Bus Company and Scottish Bus Group elsewhere. For largely political reasons the model followed in London was completely different from the rest of the country. In London a part of London Transport called London Buses was set up, with the remit to contract out the operation of services but to determine service levels and fares within the public sector.
This regime is still in place, although the ownership of London Buses moved from the central (UK) government-controlled London Regional Transport to the Mayor of London's transport organisation, Transport for London, in 2000, as part of the formation of the new Greater London Authority.




From the early days of motor bus operation by the London General Omnibus Company (LGOC) in the 1900s until the 1960s London went its own way, designing its own vehicles specially for London use rather than using the bus manufacturers' standard products used elsewhere. The Associated Equipment Company (AEC) was created as a subsidiary of the LGOC in 1912 to build buses and other equipment for its parent company, and continued in the ownership of LGOC and its successors until 1962. Many of London's local service buses over this period were built by AEC, although other manufacturers also built buses to London designs, or modified their own designs for use in London.
The last bus specifically designed for London was the AEC Routemaster, built between 1956 and 1968. Since then, buses built for London's local services have all been variants of models built for general use elsewhere, although bus manufacturers would routinely offer a 'London specification' to meet specific London requirements. Some manufacturers even went so far as to build new models with London in mind, such as the DMS class Daimler Fleetline, and the T class Leyland Titan (B15).
London did see the introduction of several of the newly emerging minibus and midibus models in the 1980s and 1990s, in a bid to up the frequency on routes, although the use of these buses dropped off to the level of niche operation on routes not suitable for full size buses.
With the move to tendered contracts for TfL routes, the 'London specification' was further enforced as being part of tender proposals, invariably specifying new buses. The major difference for London is the usage of dual doors on central routes.
London was one of the earliest major users of low-floor buses. From 2000, the mainstay of fleet, double-decker buses, were augmented with a fleet of articulated buses, rising to a peak fleet size of 393 Mercedes-Benz O530 Citaros. A small fleet of hybrid buses is also operated.



Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban.















Vanity Fair May 2013 Audrey Hepburn in Rome ... Remembering ...Audrey Hepburn in the May 1991 issue of Vanity Fair.

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 Vanity Fair May 2013





Remembering ...Audrey Hepburn  in the May 1991 issue of Vanity Fair.







Emma McQuiston, Britain's first black marchioness

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Emma McQuiston is interviewed for the May edition of Tatler which goes on sale from Thursday 4th April



A social 'jungle’ for first black lady of Longleat
The eccentric lifestyle of the Marquess of Bath lost its ability to shock the aristocracy long ago. But it seems that the family at Longleat, his seat, are still crossing a few social boundaries.

By Nick Britten 01 Apr 2013 in The Telegraph / http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/9964110/A-social-jungle-for-first-black-lady-of-Longleat.html

The future daughter-in-law of Alexander Thynn, the 7th Marquess, claims that she is subject to racism and snobbishness among the aristocracy.
Emma McQuiston, an arts graduate, will become Britain’s first black marchioness, but says she is still not fully accepted, and has described society life as “a jungle”.
In June Miss McQuiston will marry Ceawlin Thynn, Viscount Weymouth and the Marquess’s heir.
She will initially be a viscountess, and will become a marchioness when her husband inherits the title from his father.
In an interview with Tatler magazine, Miss McQuiston, a former head girl at Queen’s Gate School, in South Kensington, London, said she was having to learn quickly about life among the upper classes.

She said: “There has been some snobbishness, particularly among the much older generation. There’s class and then there’s the racial thing. It’s a jungle and I’m going through it and discovering things as I grow up. I’m not super-easily offended but it’s a problem when someone’s making you feel different or separate because of your race, or forming an opinion about you before they know you.”
Aged 26, she isn’t new to the limelight. After studying history of art at University College, London, she enjoyed a stint as an actress before styling herself as a celebrity chef, with her own blog and internet television show.
The daughter of Ladi Jadesimi, a Nigerian Oxford graduate who owns an offshore oil-rig company, she has known her future husband since she was four, when she was a bridesmaid at a wedding involving both families. She has thus already spent plenty of time at Longleat. When she was 18, she wrote a dissertation on the state rooms at the house. “I’ve always loved it here and I would see Ceawlin at Christmas, Easter and family get-togethers,” she said.
The couple began dating in 2011, and 18 months later he proposed.
Miss McQuiston said: “We’d been to a party and in the middle of the night he woke me up to ask me and I made him do it again and again until it sunk in.”
Her mother, Suzanna, said that after the engagement she worried about whether her daughter would be accepted.
“I always felt there might be this slightly snobbish thing about anyone that’s black, but it seems everybody has taken Emma into their hearts and they love her. She’s just such a decent girl.”
On her wedding day, Miss McQuiston will be walked down the aisle by her father, who lives in Lagos with his wife, and who has four other children, all of whom are older than her. All are accompanying him on the trip. Miss McQuiston will meet three of her half siblings for the first time.
“I guess it’s better late than never, though Ceawlin would like to meet them before the big day,” she said.
Viscount Weymouth, 38, took over the running of the Longleat Estate last year.

 How I beat the snobs, by Britain's first black marchioness, as she prepares to marry into one of Britain's most eccentric aristocratic families
Emma McQuiston, 26, is the daughter of a Nigerian oil tycoon
She is to wed Ceawlin Thynne, Viscount of Weymouth, 38
His father, the Marquess of Bath, is notorious for his harem of 'wifelets'
The Viscount is heir to Longleat House and its 100,000 acre estate
Her half-brother Ian is married to Ceawlin's aunt, Lady Silvy Cerne Thynne


By CLAIRE ELLICOTT
PUBLISHED:, 1 April 2013 in The Daily Mail / http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-2302258/Emma-McQuiston-How-I-beat-snobs-Britains-black-marchioness.html


Beautiful, accomplished and with an impeccable pedigree, she is every inch the aristocratic wife.
And Emma McQuiston will be making history when she marries as she is  destined to become Britain’s first  black marchioness.
She is marrying into our most eccentric aristocratic family – her future father-in-law, Alexander Thynn, the seventh Marquess of Bath, is famous for his harem of ‘wifelets’.
But the daughter of a Nigerian oil baron says she faces racism and snobbery from the upper classes unwilling to accept her.
‘There has been some snobbishness, particularly among the much older generation,’ she told society magazine Tatler.
‘There’s class and then there’s the racial thing. It’s a jungle and I’m going through it and discovering things as I grow up.
‘I’m not super-easily offended but it’s a problem when someone’s making you feel different or separate because of your race. I have never had anything horrible said or happen, but it is something you sense. You can just tell with some people.’
The 26-year-old aspiring television chef will marry Ceawlin Thynn, Viscount  Weymouth, in June at his family seat Longleat after an 18-month courtship.
She said: ‘We’d been to a party at  [nightclub] Annabel’s and in the middle of the night he woke me up to ask me and I made him do it again and again until it sunk in.’
The arts graduate and former head girl will initially be a viscountess, becoming Marchioness of Bath when her husband inherits the title.
She intends to redecorate some of the family home – possibly including the graphic Kama Sutra room created by her future father-in-law.
‘We’re restoring it back to classic English because, though this is great fun, living with it all the time can be a bit much,’ she added.
Miss McQuiston, the daughter of Oxford graduate Ladi Jadesimi, who owns an oil-rig company, has acted in the past and runs a cookery blog.
She has known her fiance since she was four and spent Christmases and Easters at the historic house and park throughout her childhood.
Last year, Viscount Weymouth, 38, took over the running of the Longleat estate from his 80-year-old father – who has had at least 75 mistresses he refers to as ‘wifelets’.
Miss McQuiston said of her future father-in-law: ‘He wanted a happy, harmonious life with lots of women and lots of babies. That’s what he set out for in the Sixties and that’s what he’s stuck to.’
But happily, she does not expect her future husband to follow suit with the wifelets – or the eccentric dress sense.
‘We do dress up, but mostly as  cowboys and Indians, or cheetahs [for parties]...,’ she said.
She added she hopes to become a mother soon, saying: ‘I want babies and I’d love to have them soon. I want to be a young mum.’
The family live in a set of private  apartments in their country house, surrounded by the 100,000-acre estate in idyllic countryside in Warminster, Wiltshire.
The safari park first opened in 1966 and claims to be the first drive-through safari park outside Africa.
It is the home of Anne the elephant, Britain’s last circus elephant who was rescued after the Mail was passed footage of her being abused.
Miss McQuiston’s mother, Suzanna, said: ‘I always felt there might be this slight snobbish thing about  anyone who’s black, but it seems everybody has taken Emma into their hearts and they love her.’


Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-2302258/Emma-McQuiston-How-I-beat-snobs-Britains-black-marchioness.html#ixzz2PfYF9yJv
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The Grumpy Guide To Class - Part Three

The Grumpy Guide To Class - Part Two


The Grumpy Guide To Class - Part One

The Great British Class Survey launches on BBC One Show

Class ? What do you mean by 'class'? ...The Great British Class Survey / BBC

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Twentieth-century middle-class and working-class stereotypes are out of date. Only 39% of participants fit into the Established Middle Class and Traditional Working Class categories.

Elite: This is the most privileged class in Great Britain who have high levels of all three capitals. Their high amount of economic capital sets them apart from everyone else.

Established Middle Class: Members of this class have high levels of all three capitals although not as high as the Elite. They are a gregarious and culturally engaged class.

Technical Middle Class: This is a new, small class with high economic capital but seem less culturally engaged. They have relatively few social contacts and so are less socially engaged.

New Affluent Workers: This class has medium levels of economic capital and higher levels of cultural and social capital. They are a young and active group.

 Emergent Service Workers: This new class has low economic capital but has high levels of 'emerging' cultural capital and high social capital. This group are young and often found in urban areas.\

Traditional Working Class: This class scores low on all forms of the three capitals although they are not the poorest group. The average age of this class is older than the others.

Precariat: This is the most deprived class of all with low levels of economic, cultural and social capital. The everyday lives of members of this class are precarious.



What do you mean by 'class'?

Mainstream conceptions of social class, such as the BBC's list of seven, are largely descriptive. There's another, radical, approach
Richard Seymour
guardian.co.uk, Thursday 4 April 2013 / http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/apr/04/class-what-do-you-mean-bbc

Is it time to throw conventional class dogmas aside? The BBC, which has just published a detailed survey of social class in the United Kingdom, produced by academics at the London School of Economics and the University of Manchester, says it is.
Using some of the ideas of the late sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the researchers claim that while people "think they belong to a particular class on the basis of their job and income", those are merely "aspects of economic capital. Sociologists think that your class is indicated by your cultural capital and social capital."
The survey reaches a bold conclusion: the traditional tripartite division of people into working, middle and ruling classes has eroded. The "traditional" working and middle classes account for a mere 39% of the population. The new classes include the "precariat", or precarious workers; emerging service workers; new affluent workers; and the technical middle class.
This is the sociologist's dream: a stale, simplistic schema giving way to a more novel and complex understanding. However, these findings aren't quite as groundbreaking as they would seem to be.
The emergence of the concept of "social class" in official censuses took shape in the UK in the 19th century, settling in 1851 with a list of seventeen classes and sub-classes that were principally concerned with occupational status. In 1911, these classes were condensed into a system of social grades that are similar to the "social classes" used by the registrar general in recent decades. These split society into grades of occupation, from professional to intermediate to skilled, partially skilled, and unskilled.
Since 1951, there has been a list of 17 socio-economic groups with no particular order among them. Government surveys have tended to use a compressed version of these categories. Social grades used by market researchers, which are based on occupational gradings, have until recently formed the dominant contemporary definitions of social class.
What principle underlies this conception of social class? In 1928, the statistical officer at the General Register Office argued that "any scheme of social class should take account of culture", which he felt occupational gradings had "a wholesome tendency to emphasise".
Mainstream classifications, then, have often sought to distinguish themselves from more radical conceptions by reference to their willingness to incorporate culture as a factor. However, this is misleading. What mainly distinguishes radical from official conceptions of class is that the former are antagonistic, whereas the latter treat class as a form of stratification or, with sufficient social mobility, a "ladder of opportunity". Take the Marxist analysis, for example, which holds that the central class antagonism in capitalist society is an exploitative capital-labour relation. This antagonism cuts across and structures every field of human production and consumption, from the economy to politics and culture.
This relates to a deeper underlying disagreement. The radical ontology of social classes holds that classes do not exist prior to coming into relationship with one another. It is impossible to imagine a working class without a capitalist class, or serfs without feudal lords. These classes have very specific mechanisms of reproduction, but only in relation to one another: the working class reproduces itself by selling its labour power, which it can only do if there is someone to buy it. On the other hand, it's quite possible that an emerging service worker could exist with or without any relationship to a new affluent worker, or precarious worker. As these "classes" are empirical, statistical constructs, their existence implies no necessary relationship to other classes, nor any specific principle of reproduction.
This leads to a final divergence, which is over what the concept of class is for. Mainstream conceptions of social class are largely descriptive, based on a composite of certain conditions of existence. As a result, they produce a profusion of classifications and rankings, describing different social experiences, but not explaining their relationship to one another. The theoretical parsimony of radical accounts of class is sometimes mistaken for oversimplification, but it arises from a desire to make class categories explain more. While official accounts of social class merely demand explanation, radical accounts can help explain the real development of societies.
For example, consider today's experience of a Tory-led government filled with millionaires, implementing policies designed to enrich the ruling class, and depress the living standards of the working majority. Official conceptions of class, being descriptive, will evolve and chart the effects of these policies: new "classes" will be devised in their wake. But these conceptions cannot explain such policies. But by employing a radical class analysis, "austerity" can be seen as a political class strategy for redistributing the social product and consolidating the wider political and ideological power of the rich. This is not just a matter of interpretation: it is strategic, for it explains the doggedness of their clinging to policies that "don't work", and also calls into question what sort of class capacities and strategies we could activate in opposing "austerity".
This is what is at stake in class analysis today.
• This article was amended on 4 April 2013. It originally credited the research on social class to the LSE alone. It was in fact a joint study by the LSE and the University of Manchester. This has now been corrected


The way to tell an Etonian, in casual dress, is that he tends to dress and speak down, not up: it’s a survival tactic born of trying to avoid being beaten up by Windsor boys
The Great British Class Survey: which class are you?

A new survey thinks it’s got Britons squeezed into seven categories – but the glory of our class system is that it offers us endless opportunities to become whoever we want to be
By James Delingpol 03 Apr 2013 in The Telegraph / http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/9969550/The-Great-British-Class-Survey-which-class-are-you.html

Which class are you? I reckon I’m upper middle. Lower, fake, poseur, scumbag upper middle, to be more precise, because despite exhibiting many of the signs of reasonable-ish social smartness (public school and Oxbridge education; mildly fruity pronunciation; Georgian vicarage home), I’m secretly tinged with lots of hidden common.

For example, one of my grandfathers was the gaffer at the local electrical works – and that’s not posh. Nor are the Midlands and Black Country accents used by quite a few of my close relatives. Nor is having been born anywhere near Birmingham (as I was, arkid). Nor is the fact that I don’t own my gorgeous ironstone country rectory: I rent it because, while I have huge pretensions, I’m in fact totally skint.

Yet, were you ever to meet my upper-class landlord, you’d think I were the toff, not him. He dresses like a down-at-heel student; I wear a sturdy, Cordings hacking jacket. He’d happily spend his life chopping up logs or watching DVDs, whereas I’d rather be out huntin’, shootin’ or fishin’. I stride around his Capability-Brown-landscaped estate like I own it, whereas he acts more like the junior undergardener.

So where, exactly, would he and I fit in to the new study by the BBC Lab UK, and published this week in the Sociology Journal, which says there are now seven social classes in Britain: Elite; Established Middle Class; Technical Middle Class; New Affluent Workers; Traditional Working Class; Emergent Service Workers; and Precariat – or Precarious Proletariat? Nowhere, I’d say, for these definitions just aren’t up to the job. If you really wanted to capture the rich, glorious and oh-so-nuanced stratifications of the British class system, you’d need closer to 700 gradations than that measly, reductionist seven.

To be fair to the study, it does at least have a stab at finding a definition of class that extends beyond the usual “working, middle and upper”. Besides how well paid or wealthy you are, the study posits, your class is also a function of your social capital (how many people you know and what their status is) and your cultural capital (the extent and nature of your cultural interests).

All this is true and it’s one of the things that has always separated Britain’s social class system from, say, America’s, which is much more strictly income-dependent. This was evident even as far back as the 19th century, when the French political philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville visited the US. He was at once impressed and appalled to discover a new kind of society where values such as noblesse oblige had no meaning: being upper class was more or less synonymous with being rich and since, in the land of the free, anyone could supposedly make their fortune through hard work, there was much less social guilt or sentimental pity for the plight of the poor.

But what the study doesn’t capture (how could it possibly? It would be the work of several lifetimes) is the degree to which, even in post‑Blair Britain, so many of us continue to eat, breathe, speak, work, play, dream, dress, make love and live every last detail of our lives in ways defined by an invisible code that no foreigner could ever hope to comprehend but which we all understand perfectly.

Let me give you one example of how obscure these nuances get. Waitrose is posher than Sainsbury’s; Sainsbury’s is posher than Tesco. But if you’re really über-posh you’re just as likely to go to bargain basement Aldi a) because if you’re really posh, you’re probably also asset-rich and cash-poor and b) because you’re so confident of your social status that you don’t need to show off, like lower-middle-class people do, by paying too much for your groceries at Waitrose.

Here’s another. The defining characteristic of posh English teenagers is that they have to dress head to toe in Jack Wills: this applies throughout, except at Eton – arguably the poshest school of the lot (except maybe Radley) – where boys wouldn’t be seen dead in Jack Wills because it has a branch on Eton High Street, which somehow renders it tainted and non-U. The way to tell an Etonian, in any case, is that he tends to dress and speak down, not up: it’s a survival tactic born of trying to avoid being beaten up by Windsor boys.

Another subtle signifier is the concept of shabby chic. To a visiting American, say, a big house that had been done up to the nines with everything beautifully finished by artisan craftsmen would be an obvious status symbol: this person has made it, they’ve arrived! To a certain kind of Englishman, though, it would mean the exact opposite. No one can be properly smart in a house where the furniture isn’t bashed and the carpets aren’t frayed and everything doesn’t smell of wet dog. Too much polish and cleanliness are vulgar.

The problem now – if you’re the sort of person who thinks it is a problem – is that socially ambitious oiks have cottoned on to this distinction. (How could they not? The concept of U and non-U goes back to the Fifties, and there have been loads of similar climbers’ guides since, such as my Eighties bible, The Official Sloane Ranger Handbook.) Companies such as Farrow & Ball have built a lucrative industry on this, catering to aspirational wives of new-money City types who’ve twigged that all you need to rise a couple of notches is to paint your hallway Elephant’s Breath and your guest room Mouse’s Back.

This is an important detail missed by those earnest class warriors who bang on about the limitations of being born in a country where – allegedly – you only have to open your mouth for another Englishman to despise you. The glory of our class system is not that it’s constricting but rather that it offers endless opportunities to become whoever you want to be. It’s not a straitjacket. It’s the equivalent of that marvellous changing room in the magical shop visited by Mr Benn where he escapes the dreariness of Festive Road to become an astronaut or deep-sea diver or knight errant.

Did being born Welsh (in a place called Splott) – the son of a hairdresser and a self-employed French polisher – really hamper John Humphrys’ entry into the snooty, Oxbridge-dominated British media establishment? Not so that you’d notice. No more, I’d say, than having been born the daughter of a lowly Nigerian oil tycoon has prevented Emma McQuiston from becoming the future Marchioness of Bath. This is the point about the British class system: it’s porous and has been since at least the days when a lowly actress like Nell Gwynne could become the King’s mistress and become mother of the Earl of Burford (and later Duke of St Albans).

A good friend of mine spotted this very early on. Born into a desperately poor working-class household in Nottingham, he realised that he would never get on unless he learnt to mimic the ways of the middle classes. At university, he instructed his flatmates to correct his every error of pronunciation (for example, making him pronounce “pass” with a bourgeois long “a”, rather than a clipped Northern one), with the result that he can become whoever he wants to be at a moment’s notice. In legal circles (he’s a top barrister), he can play an Old Etonian smoothie (he has even memorised all the rules of the Wall Game); if he’s at a football match he can revert to broad Nottingham.

This same friend’s children, on the other hand, have to play an entirely different class game. Public school-educated in a world where “posh” people are about the last minority it’s socially permissible to persecute, they spend their social lives desperately trying to demonstrate how down-to-earth, ordinary and unsmart they are. They’d probably kill to have the authentic working-class credibility their father had – but which they can never benefit from socially because their dad has striven so hard to shake it off.

It was ever thus. If you could go back to a time as socially stratified as Victorian or Edwardian Britain, I doubt you would find it easy to tell who belonged where: not in an era when Earls and Dukes often spoke not in upper-class drawls but in the thick rural accents of their region; not with keen young Mister Pooters mimicking the affectations of their social betters. Class in Britain is a bit like a virus: just when you think you’ve pinned it down, it mutates into something else.


A new and later version of John Cleese famous "sketch" ...

York Street from J. Press in NEW FLAGSHIP STORE / New York

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J. Press, the "tailor-of-choice" to generations of Ivy League men, is pleased to announce the launch of our new menswear line YORK STREET.

110 years of classics provide the foundation for a new turn on American style. YORK STREET. Slimmer fit. Unexpected fabrics. Perfect details. A daring new line from J. Press.


NEW FLAGSHIP STORE

304 Bleecker St.

New York, NY 10014

212-255-6151

The collection is designed by Creative Directors Ariel and Shimon Ovadia, who were named GQ’s Best New Menswear Designers in America in 2012.








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