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Winnie-the-Pooh / Goodbye Christopher Robin / VIDEO: | Official HD Trailer | 2017

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 REVIEW: Goodbye Christopher Robin tells the true story of darkness behind a bright classic

LEIGH PAATSCH, National Film Critic, News Corp Australia Network
November 22, 2017 1:50pm

GOODBYE CHRISTOPHER ROBIN (PG)

Director: Simon Curtis (My Week With Marilyn)

Starring: Domhnall Gleeson, Margot Robbie, Will Tilston, Kelly Macdonald.

Life as an open book closes down a family

While Winnie-the-Pooh is one of the most beloved children’s book characters of all time, far less is known about his creator, the British playwright and author A.A. Milne.

Needless to say, Goodbye Christopher Robin is looking to fill in a lot of those blanks.

As this serious (often bordering on stern) biopic shows us, Milne’s wistful lightness of touch as a writer came from quite a heavy place.

Suffering from an undiagnosed post-traumatic stress disorder after serving as a soldier in World War I, Milne (played by Domhnall Gleeson) keeps a careful emotional distance from his dissatisfied wife Daphne (Margot Robbie) and their neglected young boy Christopher (nicknamed Billy).

Reacclimatizing to the bright lights, small talk and big parties of London proves to be a frustrating task for Milne. However, Daphne wants to be out amongst it as much as possible. A rift opens between a couple who were never all that close to begin with.

Retreating to the countryside in a last-ditch attempt to find some purpose in life, Milne strikes literary gold in the rare combination of imagination and innocence pouring out of his son.

Caught up in his own dark thoughts, Milne had previously failed to recognise the brightness of Billy. Father and son take long walks across the fields and through the woods.

Talking as they wander through their idyllic surrounds, the pair conjure soon-to-be-immortal figures such as Eeyore, Tigger and, of course, Winnie-the-Pooh for the first time.

Most importantly, Billy becomes the inspiration for Christopher Robin, the cherubic mainstay of the stories that soon catapult Milne to fame and fortune.


Milne strikes literary gold in the rare combination of imagination and innocence pouring out of his son.
Most unfortunately, the child is also used as a marketing tool by publishers to promote his dad’s works. Reporters and photographers are suddenly everywhere. Father and son will never again be as close as they were when inspiration first took hold.

The lasting effects of these events on little Billy (beautifully portrayed by newcomer Will Tilston) are what really concern the movie, and poignantly shifts viewers into a reflective space they may not have expected going in.

For reasons beyond their control, Milne and his wife were what can only be termed cold of heart, and it was their only child who bore the brunt of the chill.

By all reports, it did not thaw until well into his adult life, and even then, never completely so.

With such an icy path to be navigated through Goodbye Christopher Robin, viewers will definitely be drawn to the movie’s one pocket of enduring warmth: Billy’s relationship with the woman who all but raised him, his nanny Olive (a wonderful Kelly Macdonald).




"I suppose that every one of us hopes secretly for immortality; to leave, I mean, a name behind him which will live forever in this world, whatever he may be doing, himself, in the next."
—A. A. Milne.

Alan Alexander Milne was born in Kilburn, London to parents John Vine Milne, who was born in Jamaica, and Sarah Marie Milne (née Heginbotham) and grew up at Henley House School, 6/7 Mortimer Road (now Crescent), Kilburn, a small public school run by his father. One of his teachers was H. G. Wells, who taught there in 1889–90. Milne attended Westminster School and Trinity College, Cambridge where he studied on a mathematics scholarship, graduating with a B.A. in Mathematics in 1903. He edited and wrote for Granta, a student magazine.

Milne joined the British Army in World War I and served as an officer in the Royal Warwickshire Regiment and later, after a debilitating illness, the Royal Corps of Signals. He was commissioned into the 4th Battalion, Royal Warwickshire Regiment on 1 February 1915 as a second lieutenant (on probation). His commission was confirmed on 20 December 1915. On 7 July 1916, he was injured while serving in the Battle of the Somme and invalided back to England. Having recuperated, he was recruited into Military Intelligence to write propaganda articles for MI7 (b) between 1916 and 1918. He was discharged on 14 February 1919, and settled in Mallord Street, Chelsea. He relinquished his commission on 19 February 1920, retaining the rank of lieutenant.

After the war, he wrote a denunciation of war titled Peace with Honour (1934), which he retracted somewhat with 1940's War with Honour. During World War II, Milne was one of the most prominent critics of fellow English writer P. G. Wodehouse, who was captured at his country home in France by the Nazis and imprisoned for a year. Wodehouse made radio broadcasts about his internment, which were broadcast from Berlin. Although the light-hearted broadcasts made fun of the Germans, Milne accused Wodehouse of committing an act of near treason by cooperating with his country's enemy. Wodehouse got some revenge on his former friend (e.g., in The Mating Season) by creating fatuous parodies of the Christopher Robin poems in some of his later stories, and claiming that Milne "was probably jealous of all other writers.... But I loved his stuff."

Milne married Dorothy "Daphne" de Sélincourt in 1913 and their son Christopher Robin Milne was born in 1920. In 1925, Milne bought a country home, Cotchford Farm, in Hartfield, East Sussex.

During World War II, Milne was Captain of the British Home Guard in Hartfield & Forest Row, insisting on being plain "Mr. Milne" to the members of his platoon. He retired to the farm after a stroke and brain surgery in 1952 left him an invalid, and by August 1953 "he seemed very old and disenchanted." Milne died in January 1956, aged 74

After graduating from Cambridge in 1903, A. A. Milne contributed humorous verse and whimsical essays to Punch, joining the staff in 1906 and becoming an assistant editor.

During this period he published 18 plays and three novels, including the murder mystery The Red House Mystery (1922). His son was born in August 1920 and in 1924 Milne produced a collection of children's poems When We Were Very Young, which were illustrated by Punch staff cartoonist E. H. Shepard. A collection of short stories for children A Gallery of Children, and other stories that became part of the Winnie-the-Pooh books, were first published in 1925.

Milne was an early screenwriter for the nascent British film industry, writing four stories filmed in 1920 for the company Minerva Films (founded in 1920 by the actor Leslie Howard and his friend and story editor Adrian Brunel). These were The Bump, starring Aubrey Smith; Twice Two; Five Pound Reward; and Bookworms. Some of these films survive in the archives of the British Film Institute. Milne had met Howard when the actor starred in Milne’s play Mr Pim Passes By in London.

Looking back on this period (in 1926), Milne observed that when he told his agent that he was going to write a detective story, he was told that what the country wanted from a "Punch humorist" was a humorous story; when two years later he said he was writing nursery rhymes, his agent and publisher were convinced he should write another detective story; and after another two years, he was being told that writing a detective story would be in the worst of taste given the demand for children's books. He concluded that "the only excuse which I have yet discovered for writing anything is that I want to write it; and I should be as proud to be delivered of a Telephone Directory con amore as I should be ashamed to create a Blank Verse Tragedy at the bidding of others."



Milne is most famous for his two Pooh books about a boy named Christopher Robin after his son, Christopher Robin Milne, and various characters inspired by his son's stuffed animals, most notably the bear named Winnie-the-Pooh. Christopher Robin Milne's stuffed bear, originally named "Edward," was renamed "Winnie" after a Canadian black bear named Winnie (after Winnipeg), which was used as a military mascot in World War I, and left to London Zoo during the war. "The pooh" comes from a swan the young Milne named "Pooh." E. H. Shepard illustrated the original Pooh books, using his own son's teddy, Growler ("a magnificent bear"), as the model. The rest of Christopher Robin Milne's toys, Piglet, Eeyore, Kanga, Roo and Tigger, were incorporated into A. A. Milne's stories, and two more characters – Rabbit and Owl – were created by Milne's imagination. Christopher Robin Milne's own toys are now on display in New York where 750,000 people visit them every year.




The real stuffed toys owned by Christopher Robin Milne and featured in the Winnie-the-Pooh stories. They are on display in the New York Public Library Main Branch in New York. Missing is Roo, who was lost when Christopher Robin was very young.



The fictional Hundred Acre Wood of the Pooh stories derives from Five Hundred Acre Wood in Ashdown Forest in East Sussex, South East England, where the Pooh stories were set. Milne lived on the northern edge of the forest at Cotchford Farm, 51.090°N 0.107°E, and took his son walking there. E. H. Shepard drew on the landscapes of Ashdown Forest as inspiration for many of the illustrations he provided for the Pooh books. The adult Christopher Robin commented: "Pooh's Forest and Ashdown Forest are identical." Popular tourist locations at Ashdown Forest include: Galleon's Lap, The Enchanted Place, the Heffalump Trap and Lone Pine, Eeyore’s Sad and Gloomy Place, and the wooden Pooh Bridge where Pooh and Piglet invented Poohsticks.

Not yet known as Pooh, he made his first appearance in a poem, "Teddy Bear," published in Punch magazine in February 1924 and republished in When We Were Very Young. Pooh first appeared in the London Evening News on Christmas Eve, 1925, in a story called "The Wrong Sort Of Bees." Winnie-the-Pooh was published in 1926, followed by The House at Pooh Corner in 1928. A second collection of nursery rhymes, Now We Are Six, was published in 1927. All four books were illustrated by E. H. Shepard. Milne also published four plays in this period. He also "gallantly stepped forward" to contribute a quarter of the costs of dramatising P. G. Wodehouse's A Damsel in Distress. The World of Pooh won the Lewis Carroll Shelf Award in 1958.

The success of his children's books was to become a source of considerable annoyance to Milne, whose self-avowed aim was to write whatever he pleased and who had, until then, found a ready audience for each change of direction: he had freed pre-war Punch from its ponderous facetiousness; he had made a considerable reputation as a playwright (like his idol J. M. Barrie) on both sides of the Atlantic; he had produced a witty piece of detective writing in The Red House Mystery (although this was severely criticised by Raymond Chandler for the implausibility of its plot). But once Milne had, in his own words, "said goodbye to all that in 70,000 words" (the approximate length of his four principal children's books), he had no intention of producing any reworkings lacking in originality, given that one of the sources of inspiration, his son, was growing older.

Another reason Milne stopped writing children's books, and especially about Winnie-the-Pooh, was that he felt "amazement and disgust" over the fame his son was exposed to, and said that "I feel that the legal Christopher Robin has already had more publicity than I want for him. I do not want CR Milne to ever wish that his name were Charles Robert."

In his literary home, Punch, where the When We Were Very Young verses had first appeared, Methuen continued to publish whatever Milne wrote, including the long poem "The Norman Church" and an assembly of articles entitled Year In, Year Out (which Milne likened to a benefit night for the author).

In 1930, Milne adapted Kenneth Grahame's novel The Wind in the Willows for the stage as Toad of Toad Hall.The title was an implicit admission that such chapters as Chapter 7, "The Piper at the Gates of Dawn," could not survive translation to the theatre. A special introduction written by Milne is included in some editions of Grahame's novel.

Milne and his wife became estranged from their son, who came to resent what he saw as his father's exploitation of his childhood and came to hate the books that had thrust him into the public eye. Marrying his first cousin, Lesley de Sélincourt, distanced Christopher still further from his parents – Lesley's father and Christopher's mother hadn't spoken to each other for 30 years.

The rights to A. A. Milne's Pooh books were left to four beneficiaries: his family, the Royal Literary Fund, Westminster School and the Garrick Club. After Milne's death in 1956, one week and six days after his 74th birthday, his widow sold her rights to the Pooh characters to Stephen Slesinger, whose widow sold the rights after Slesinger's death to the Walt Disney Company, which has made many Pooh cartoon movies, a Disney Channel television show, as well as Pooh-related merchandise. In 2001, the other beneficiaries sold their interest in the estate to the Disney Corporation for $350m. Previously Disney had been paying twice-yearly royalties to these beneficiaries. The estate of E. H. Shepard also received a sum in the deal. The UK copyright on the text of the original Winnie the Pooh books expires on 1 January 2027; at the beginning of the year after the 70th anniversary of the author's death (PMA-70), and has already expired in those countries with a PMA-50 rule. This applies to all of Milne's works except those first published posthumously. The illustrations in the Pooh books will remain under copyright until the same amount of time has passed, after the illustrator's death; in the UK, this will be on 1 January 2047. In the United States, copyright will not expire until 95 years after publication for each of Milne's books first published before 1978, but this includes the illustrations.

In 2008, a collection of original illustrations featuring Winnie-the-Pooh and his animal friends sold for more than £1.2 million at auction in Sotheby's, London. Forbes magazine ranked Winnie the Pooh the most valuable fictional character in 2002; Winnie the Pooh merchandising products alone had annual sales of more than $5.9 billion. In 2005, Winnie the Pooh generated $6 billion, a figure surpassed by only Mickey Mouse.

  In 2003, Winnie the Pooh was listed at number 7 on the BBC's poll The Big Read which determined the UK's "best-loved novels" of all time. In 2006, Winnie the Pooh received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, marking the 80th birthday of Milne's creation. That same year a UK poll saw Winnie the Pooh voted onto the list of icons of England.

Marking the 90th anniversary of Milne's creation of the character, and the 90th birthday of Elizabeth II, in 2016 a new story sees Winnie the Pooh meet the Queen at Buckingham Palace. The illustrated and audio adventure is titled Winnie-the-Pooh Meets the Queen, and has been narrated by actor Jim Broadbent. Also in 2016, a new character, a Penguin, was unveiled in The Best Bear in All the World, which was inspired by a long-lost photograph of Milne and his son Christopher with a toy penguin.

A. A. Milne and E. H. Shepard memorial plaque at Ashdown Forest, East Sussex, the setting for Winnie the Pooh
A memorial plaque in Ashdown Forest, unveiled by Christopher Robin in 1979, commemorates the work of A. A. Milne and Shepard in creating the world of Pooh. Milne once wrote of Ashdown Forest: "In that enchanted place on the top of the forest a little boy and his bear will always be playing."

Several of Milne's children's poems were set to music by the composer Harold Fraser-Simson. His poems have been parodied many times, including with the books When We Were Rather Older and Now We Are Sixty. The 1963 film The King's Breakfast was based on Milne's poem of the same name.

An exhibition entitled "Winnie-the-Pooh: Exploring a Classic" appeared at the V & A from 9 December 2017 to 8 April 2018.



Christopher Robin Milne was born at 11 Mallord Street, Chelsea, London, at 8 a.m. on 21 August 1920, to author Alan Alexander Milne and Daphne (née de Sélincourt) Milne. Milne speculates that he was an only child because "he had been a long time coming." From an early age Milne was cared for by his nanny, Olive Brockwell, for over eight years until May 1930, when he entered boarding school. Milne called her Nou, and stated "Apart from her fortnight's holiday every September we had not been out of each other's sight for more than a few hours at a time", and "we lived together in a large nursery on the top floor."

In 1925, Milne's father bought Cotchford Farm, near Ashdown Forest in East Sussex. Though still living in London, the family would spend weekends, Easter and summer holidays there. As Milne described it, "So there we were in 1925 with a cottage, a little bit of garden, a lot of jungle, two fields, a river and then all the green, hilly countryside beyond, meadows and woods, waiting to be explored." The place became the inspiration for fiction, with Milne stating "Gill's Lap that inspired Galleon's Lap, the group of pine trees on the other side of the main road that became the Six Pine Trees, the bridge over the river at Posingford that became Pooh-sticks Bridge," and a nearby "ancient walnut tree" became Pooh's House. His toys, Pooh, Eeyore, Piglet, plus two invented characters, Owl and Rabbit, came to life through Milne and his mother, to the point where his father could write stories about them. Kanga and Tigger were later presents from his parents.

Of this time, Milne states, "I loved my Nanny, I loved Cotchford. I also quite liked being Christopher Robin and being famous."

When his nanny departed when he was aged 9, Milne's relationship with his father grew. As he put it, "For nearly ten years I had clung to Nanny. For nearly ten more years I was to cling to him, adoring him as I had adored Nanny, so that he too became almost a part of me..."

When Milne eventually wrote his memoirs, he dedicated them to Olive Brockwell, "Alice to millions, but Nou to me".

Of his time at boarding school, Milne says, "For it was now that began that love-hate relationship with my fictional namesake that has continued to this day."




SNOBBERY The American Version By Joseph Epstein

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“Epstein gives a complete history of snobbery in America. But did we really need this much information? Epstein divides the book into two parts, history of snobbery and most common snob objects,ie, colleges, clubs, children's acheivements, etc. This is a good book for self-evaluating your tendancies of snobbery as he hits so many different subjects. Viewed from this self-analysis theme, this book is worth the read. But generally, the book drones on as the author attempts to fill the standard page quota of about 250 pages.
Although I may not have needed it, I did learn a good history of snobbery particularly as it relates to the continent. I also learned Epstein's well-stated theory that the WASP culture of snobbery was substantially reduced in the 60s with the growing counter-culture. In the second section he overlayed American snob tendancies particularly in clothing, clubs and education. In many respects, I agree with him completely.
This would be a difficult subject to tackle and Epstein at least admits some of his snob tendancies very early. I think this book demonstrates that everyone has some snob tendancies. But the book could be more concise and eventually the reader may tire of the information learned but stretched to fill space.”
Rick Spell




 Snobs: They're Made, Not Born
By EMILY EAKINJUNE 8, 2002

Joseph Epstein drives a Jaguar S-Type. His son went to Stanford. He has hobnobbed with Saul Bellow and shared meals with five other Nobel laureates (three in economics, two in physics). He's been to a Chicago Bulls game with Gene Siskel ($350 front-row seats), exchanged greetings with Oprah Winfrey and had Lynne Cheney to his apartment for supper. He's on friendly terms with one of Monica Lewinsky's lawyers and receives the occasional note from former Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan.

Oh, and he wants you to know that on a recent visit to New York City, he was put up at the Plaza.

Impressed? Mr. Epstein certainly hopes so. An essayist, author and former editor of The American Scholar, he is also, by his own bashful admission, a snob. Those celebrity names and status brands glinting from the pages of his new book like Swarovski crystals on an Armani gown are just his way of letting you know that he is a person of superior taste and social standing. And since the book is ''Snobbery: the American Version'' (Houghton Mifflin), they're also intended to encourage reader confidence that Mr. Epstein is just the man to tackle an affliction apparently as slippery as it is ubiquitous.

Everyone knows a snob when he sees one, he notes. But there is considerably less agreement about exactly what makes one a snob. Virginia Woolf, who confessed to uppity impulses -- like keeping letters from her titled friends in conspicuous view -- in her 1936 essay ''Am I a Snob?,'' claimed that ''the essence of snobbery is that you wish to impress other people.''

Marcel Proust, a famous snob from a country generally thought to be teeming with them, defined snobbery as ''admiration of something in other people unconnected with their personality.'' He also called it ''the greatest sterilizer of inspiration, the greatest deadener of originality, the greatest destroyer of talent.'' Perhaps, Mr. Epstein suggests, the philosopher George Santayana put it best when he said that to call someone a snob ''is a very vague description but a very clear insult.''

Lexicographers can provide no further help. The origins of the word snob are a total mystery, though Mr. Epstein comes up with four intriguing theories: 1) it is derived from a Scandinavian term for dolt or charlatan 2) it comes from an abbreviation of the Latin sine nobilitate, supposedly used to distinguish commoners from bona fide nobles on official lists 3) it is an antonym for the word nob, British slang for a person of genuine wealth and stature or 4) it is derived from French peasants' elision of the phrase ''c'est noble,'' meaning ''it's noble.''

But whatever its roots, scholars generally agree that before the 19th century, the word snob simply did not exist. And in Mr. Epstein's view, this makes sense. Snobbery, he contends, is a peculiarly modern disease: a byproduct of democracy. ''The social fluidity that democracy makes possible, allowing people to climb from the bottom to the top of the ladder of social class in a generation or two,'' he writes, ''provides a fine breeding ground for snobbery and gives much room to exercise condescension, haughtiness, affectation, false deference and other egregious behavior so congenial to the snob.''

In the past, he argues, such behavior was pointless -- and little indulged in. Who was going to mistake a scullery maid's daughter for a lady, no matter how skillful her piano playing or fluent her Latin? Your place in the rigid social order was fixed at birth. And this, Mr. Epstein says, explains why Shakespeare, Dante, Aristophanes and the Bible are basically snob-free: ''Snobbery as we know it today, snobbery meant to shore up one's own sense of importance and to make others sorely feel their insignificance, was not yet up and running in a serious way.''

By 1848, however, when the English novelist William Makepeace Thackeray wrote his ''Book of Snobs'' -- the first major literary use of the term -- they were apparently everywhere. Thackeray's comprehensive treatment includes chapters on every possible strain: royal snobs, city snobs, country snobs, military snobs, literary snobs, club snobs and ''dining-out'' snobs. ''It is impossible for any Briton, perhaps, not to be a Snob in some degree,'' he remarks at one point.

According to Mr. Epstein's theory, such an explosion of snobbery was only to be expected. By 1848, a large and prosperous commercial class was wreaking havoc on England's old caste system.

But no place, he insists, proved a more ideal incubator of snobbery than the United States. Living in a country with few built-in class distinctions, Americans turned to snobbery as compensation, a means of clarifying what the Constitution failed to: just who was better than whom. (Alexis de Toqueville, who saw this phenomenon up close, wrote that ''democratic institutions most successfully develop sentiments of envy in the human heart.'')

Nor did it hurt that America was predominantly middle class. ''Vague and wide-ranging though the term middle class may be,'' Mr. Epstein writes, ''it does render anyone who is part of this class capable of, if not intrinsically susceptible to, snobbery in both directions. To be middle class positions one nicely to be both an upward- and a downward-looking snob, full, simultaneously, of aspiration to rise to the position of those above and of disdain for those below.''

Mr. Epstein traces snobbery's fickle path through American history, noting the changing status of brand names, people and objects -- from neighborhoods and cities to music, beverages, colleges and dogs. (King Charles spaniels and golden retrievers are out; half-Labs are the new status symbol.)

Along the way, he finds a dizzying array of new snobbisms, including ''reverse snobbery,'' which amounts to asserting your superiority over other snobs by embracing what they disdain and disdaining what they embrace. Calling ''The Simpsons'' high art and The New Yorker a middle-brow rag is the sort of thing Mr. Epstein has in mind. (His own reverse snobbism is mostly limited to expressing a strong aversion to the work of Susan Sontag, a writer generally held in high esteem by the literary establishment.)

If Mr. Epstein is right, as social barriers fall away and more Americans of diverse backgrounds join the middle class, the nation's snobbery quotient is likely only to grow. But perhaps that's not such a bad thing. If snobbery flourishes where freedom and social mobility are great, maybe it's less a symptom of disease than a sign of health.

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Condescension, or by Another Name, Snobbery
By ALAN RIDINGAUG. 21, 2002

SNOBBERY
The American Version
By Joseph Epstein
274 pages. Houghton Mifflin. $25.

The great thing about snobbery is that there is a snob pecking order. Since it is all about looking up and looking down at people, snobs are quick to decide who merits disdain and who deserves esteem. For instance, driving an expensive and ostentatious car is snobbery to some, plain bad taste to others. Private snobbery, in contrast, requires a sophisticated audience: there is no point in dropping the name of an eminent philosopher if no one has heard of him. Then, more subtle still, there is reverse snobbery, like doggedly ignoring fashion. But whether crass or disguised, Joseph Epstein argues in his new book, ''Snobbery: The American Version,'' just about everything we say or do to assert our identity can be gauged as snobbery.

Unsurprisingly, then, as part of his dissection of American snobbery, Mr. Epstein engages in an extended mea culpa of his own peccadillos. Now a lecturer at Northwestern University, he caught the snobbery bug more than four decades ago when, as a student at the University of Chicago, he learned that the only worthwhile careers were artist, scientist, statesman or teacher of any of these three. ''Henceforth the snobbish system under which I would operate would be artistic, intellectual, cultural,'' he writes. In time, though, he broadened out: today he confesses to owning a classy fountain pen and good clothes, to driving a Jaguar and to feeling pleased with himself when his son was admitted to Stanford.

Is this snobbery? Can exhibitionism, boastfulness, pride, political correctness, name dropping, rudeness and one-upmanship all be attributed to snobbery? ''The essence of snobbery is that you wish to impress other people,'' offered Virginia Woolf, herself no mean expert on the subject.

Mr. Epstein goes further. ''The essence of snobbery, I should say, is arranging to make yourself feel superior at the expense of other people.'' So all is well. By his own definition, Mr. Epstein is a harmless snob because ''in everyday actions I am not a snobbish person.'' He explains, ''It is only in my thoughts that my snobbishness lives so active a life.'' But can one be a snob if nobody notices, if nobody is offended? Perhaps Mr. Epstein should be acquitted, so he can get on with his story.

The real problem, in his view, is that snobbery has become enormously complex and time consuming. In the old days, by which Mr. Epstein means before the 1960's, snobbery was perpetuated by a class system, itself reinforced by association with the right neighborhood, school, college, club or profession. ''The minimal but unrelenting qualification was to be white, Anglo-Saxon in heritage and Protestant in religion,'' he notes. True, up to a point. If endowed with wealth, breeding and position, many Wasps probably did look down on the rest of America. But did that automatically make them snobs? Elsewhere Mr. Epstein suggests snobbery is a sign of weakness. One characteristic of a ruling class is its presumption of its right to rule.

In any event Mr. Epstein's point is that there was less snobbery in what was known as Society than there is in today's more open and egalitarian society. ''What the demise of Waspocracy did for snobbery was to unanchor it, setting it afloat if not aloft, to alight on objects other than those connected exclusively with social class,'' he writes. Thus, traditionally admired professions -- medicine, law, clergy, engineering -- have lost their cachet, while architects, chefs, artists, television anchors and above all actors enjoy celebrity.

Graduates from top colleges are now drawn to mass entertainment, Mr. Epstein observes with disapproval, ''even if it entails heartbreaking compromise, turning out meretricious work and sucking up to some clearly loathsome characters.'' (Voilà! A good example of intellectual snobbery.)

Still, a far larger field for snobbery has opened up in the world of taste. In the old days you were raised with good taste. Now taste can be bought in the form of clothes, furnishings, library, cuisine, wine cellar and the like, yet not everyone learns how to use it properly. ''For the snob, this fear of ridicule -- or if the snob has the social whip hand, the delight in inflicting ridicule -- is uppermost in questions of taste,'' Mr. Epstein warns. Getting taste right, though, brings the reward of status. ''Status is not in the possession of its holder but in that of the beholder,'' he explains. To win the accolade, you need a knack for following the taste du jour without seeming to try too hard. It is a perilous game, though, because taste is defined by others.

Here Mr. Epstein offers a bizarre theory. ''The reason so many Jews and homosexuals (chiefly, though far from exclusively, homosexual men) have been involved in the formation of taste, and hence in the changes and twists in the character of snobbery, is that Jews and homosexuals have always felt themselves the potential -- and often real -- victims of snobbery, and of course much worse than snobbery,'' Mr. Epstein claims. Whether or not this reasoning is valid, it is certainly true that many Jews and homosexuals are now at the center of the American taste industry. And in that sense, while they may still be targets of snobbery, they are now also well placed to hand it out.

A lingering problem with this book, however, is that Mr. Epstein has chosen to view all social intercourse through the prism of snobbery. Surely not everyone is enslaved to humiliating or being humiliated. Surely a snob is both entertaining and offensive precisely because he or she stands out in the crowd. Still, striking closer to his own academic and literary habitat, Mr. Epstein makes a good case that much American intellectual snobbery ''has its roots in the cultural inferiority that Americans have felt in comparison with their European counterparts.'' He then pronounces himself an Anglophile. ''Being well educated and openly distinguished has always seemed easier in England than in the United States, where either quality could be held against one, especially in public life,'' he writes.

Finally, having concluded that snobbery is an intrinsic part of the American way of life as well as of his own, Mr. Epstein feels a need to condemn it. He quotes Marcel Proust as writing that ''snobbery is a grave disease, but it is localized and so does not utterly corrupt the soul.'' Mr. Epstein cannot agree. He prefers to imagine a day when all injustice is eliminated, ''when fairness rules, and kindness and generosity, courage and honor are rightly revered.'' In other words, he concedes with regret, snobbery is here to stay.

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Self-Satisfaction Guaranteed
By MARTHA BAYLES JULY 14, 2002

SNOBBERY
The American Version.
By Joseph Epstein.
274 pp. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company. $25.

WHATEVER happened to the WASP? Or, to paraphrase Joseph Epstein, whatever happened to the ''Waspocracy'' that dominated America's elite institutions between the Gilded Age of the 1880's and the upheavals of the 1960's? According to Epstein, ''the demise of the Waspocracy'' was brought about by ''guilt'' and ''uneasiness'' among the generation that came of age during the Vietnam War; by ''incursions'' by other ethnic groups into such ''essential WASP institutions'' as ''elite prep schools and Ivy League colleges''; and by ''the unsettling effect of the new technologically based but not geographically centered business world.''

The next question is: whatever happened to snobbery? Did it go the way of the WASP? Epstein's contrarian reply is no: in a society more ostensibly egalitarian than ever, snobbery has not only survived, it has proliferated and intensified. The goal of every snob, after all, is ''to gain and maintain a place from which to look down on all but a handful of his countrymen.'' So when ''ready for the great social climb'' but faced with ''a peak that keeps changing and disappearing,'' the snob just tries harder.

To a sociologist the idea is obvious: confusion about status indicators increases status anxiety. But to Epstein the same insight is an occasion for entertaining variations. For example, his discussion on name-dropping both engages in the practice -- ''I had a whitefish dedicated to me and Pierre Boulez'' -- and skewers it: ''Would I tell this story anyway, even if it didn't involve an excellent name, which, through this flimsy association, makes me look good?''

Equally diverting is Epstein's treatment of snobbery about material pleasures. Regarding food, he writes that ''good food is one of the world's great blessings, but, as with sex, one of the quickest ways to take the edge off it i

to talk about it too much.'' Regarding clothes, he warns that even the best-dressed snob will inevitably be one-upped by a colleague ''wearing a bespoke English suit, a wafer-thin Patek Philippe watch and Italian shoes made from, let us say, the foreskins of Norwegian rams.''

Admitting that the solid, relatively scalable peak of Society has been supplanted by the slippery alp of Celebrity, Epstein defers to the expert, citing Andy Warhol's unrealized intention ''of opening a store that sold the used underwear of the famous -- $10 a pair of washed, $25 if not. Today those prices seem way too low, though the difference . . . seems just about right.''

Beyond these funny bits, Epstein has a serious purpose: to flesh out a definition of post-WASP snobbery through a candid examination of, among other things, his own experience. This isn't a memoir (he would scoff at the thought), but it is a personal essay, and as such, its success rides heavily on the author's fine-tuned sensibility. Unfortunately, snobbery is not a topic about which Epstein seems entirely candid or fine-tuned.

By his definition, the snob ''hopes to position himself securely among those whom he takes to be the best, most elegant, virtuous, fashionable or exciting people.'' One is tempted to ask, what's wrong with that? Subtract the word ''snob'' and this seems a worthy goal for anyone, including Epstein, who freely confesses his yearning to associate with ''people who exhibit style, but style with the strong suggestion of substance,'' like ''Noël Coward, Audrey Hepburn, George Balanchine, Marcello Mastroianni, Vladimir Nabokov, George Marshall, Edmund Wilson (when sober), Billy Wilder.''

Likewise, Epstein defines the snob as someone who ''fears contamination from those he deems beneath him.'' Maybe so. But again, if this is snobbery, then perhaps the author should refrain from griping that ''the first-class section of commercial jets, though comfortable on long trips, seems, as you may have noticed, nowadays filled by people who do not themselves seem very first-class.''

If these examples suggest a blind spot toward his own petty snobbery, Epstein appears equally blinkered toward judgments that, by his lights, are not snobbish at all. On the one hand, he declares that ''high standards generally -- about workmanship in the creation of objects, about what is owed in friendship, about the quality of art, and much else -- far from being snobbish, are required to maintain decency in life.'' On the other, he often accuses himself of snobbery when merely applying high standards.

For instance, Epstein recalls that during his Army days, ''the officer class did not seem to me to earn its privileges. (Only a handful of sergeants, most of them black, impressed me as truly able men.)'' One accepts this as a fair (and un-snobbish) judgment until, in the next breath, Epstein qualifies it as ''the snob in me reacting.''

Epstein also accuses himself of snobbery when disdaining social types who by his own account deserve disdain: ''the overdressed lawyer with the $200 haircut entering the Standard Club''; the party guest ''who tells me that Woody Allen's 'Annie Hall' changed her life''; the ''young director of commercials'' who tells a newspaper that ''the three words that describe him best are 'creative, compassionate and considerate.'''

Epstein's self-scrutiny wavers most when trained on the ''intellectual snobbery'' he acquired as an undergraduate at the University of Chicago. Again, why call this snobbery when, as he clearly states, it was ''based on something real -- knowledge, brilliance, erudition''?

At the same time, Epstein partakes of a particularly stale form of intellectual snobbery when complaining about bright Ivy League graduates ''working in the movies or television'' rather than ''going to superior law schools'' or ''getting a well-paid job in a corporation.'' He regrets that talented young people should find ''in the business of mass entertainment . . . the greatest gloire . . . even if it entails heartbreaking compromise, turning out meretricious work and sucking up to some clearly loathsome characters.''

Is Epstein suggesting that compromises, meretricious works and loathsome characters cannot be found in law schools, corporations or (for that matter) great universities? Does he believe that nothing worthwhile can be accomplished in ''mass entertainment''? It's strange to hear this prejudice from a critic who understands so well where it comes from. Writing about the ''intellectuals around Partisan Review and Commentary in the 1940's and 50's,'' Epstein notes that for them, the messy business of making aesthetic judgments was greatly simplified by the rule articulated by Irving Howe: ''Stalinists were middlebrow, the Trotskyists were highbrow.''

Epstein's assessment of popular culture does not always consist of snobbery (the Trotskyist version). More often it parallels his assessment of American culture in general. He admits to sharing a certain European disdain toward both. But he quickly adds that when Europeans carry on ''about the lack of refinement and culture of Americans . . . I find myself wanting to defend American culture to the last animal-fat-saturated fast-food French fry.''

IT'S too bad Epstein cannot find firmer ground between European-style snobbery and Big Mac-style reverse snobbery. After all, he opens this book with a heartfelt tribute to the music of Fats Waller. Surely a man with such good taste knows that despite its vulgarity, sentimentality and high caloric content, American culture has produced and still produces many unsaturated wonders worth defending on non-snobbish grounds.

Some of Epstein's lapses bear the scars of an old campaigner against political correctness. When discussing ''virtucrats'' in politics, he asserts without irony that these exist mostly on the left: ''Disagree with someone on the right and he is likely to think you obtuse, wrong, sentimental, foolish, a dope; disagree with someone on the left and he is more likely to think you selfish, coldhearted, a sellout, evil.'' One wonders where Epstein spent the late 1990's.

But enough carping. It's hard to criticize a writer who can make you laugh out loud on every third page, and who constantly debunks himself. Describing the snob as one who ''desires prestige and . . . status in and for themselves'' and not as ''an accouterment of solid accomplishment,'' Epstein endearingly confesses to harboring precisely such desires. Thus he good-humoredly+escapes the trap so aptly described by Cicero: ''Why, upon the very books in which they bid us scorn ambition philosophers inscribe their names.''


William F. Buckley Jr., in his review of Snobbery: The American Version, called Epstein "perhaps the wittiest writer (working in his genre) alive, the funniest since Randall Jarrell." A writer for The Forward called him "perhaps the smartest American alive who also writes well."


Epstein was born in Chicago, Illinois in 1937. He graduated from Senn High School and attended the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign.He received a Bachelor of Arts from the University of Chicago and served in the U.S. Army from 1958 to 1960. From 1972 to 2002, he was a lecturer in English and Writing at Northwestern University and is an Emeritus Lecturer of English there.

From 1974 to 1998 he served as editor of The American Scholar and wrote for it under the pseudonym Aristides. He edited The Best American Essays (1993), the Norton Book of Personal Essays (1997), and Literary Genius: 25 Classic Writers Who Define English & American Literature (2007). His work has appeared in The Atlantic, Commentary, Harper's, The New Criterion, The New Republic, The New York Times Book Review, The New Yorker, The Wall Street Journal, and The Weekly Standard. His short stories were included in The Best American Short Stories 2007 and The Best American Short Stories 2009. In 2003, he was awarded a National Humanities Medal by the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Epstein's removal as editor of The American Scholar in 1998 (following a 1996 vote of the Phi Beta Kappa senate) was controversial. Epstein later said that he was fired "for being insufficiently correct politically". Some within Phi Beta Kappa attributed the senate's decision to a desire to attract a younger readership for the journal.

Epstein's essay "Who Killed Poetry?", published in Commentary in 1988, generated discussion in the literary community decades after its publication.

In September 1970, Harper's Magazine published an article by Epstein called "Homo/Hetero: The Struggle for Sexual Identity" that was criticized for its perceived homophobia. Epstein wrote that he considered homosexuality "a curse, in a literal sense" and that his sons could do nothing to make him sadder than "if any of them were to become homosexual." Gay activists characterized the essay as portraying every gay man the author met, or fantasized about meeting, as predatory, sex-obsessed, and a threat to civilization.In the essay, he says that, if possible, "I would wish homosexuality off the face of the earth", a statement that was interpreted by gay writer and editor Merle Miller as a call to genocide. A sit-in took place at Harper's by members of the Gay Activists Alliance.

In 2015 Epstein wrote an article for The Weekly Standard in which he mentioned the Harper's article from 1970. He wrote, "I am pleased the tolerance for homosexuality has widened in America and elsewhere, that in some respects my own aesthetic sensibility favors much homosexual artistic production... My only hope now is that, on my gravestone, the words Noted Homophobe aren’t carved."

William F. Buckley Jr., in his review of Snobbery: The American Version, called Epstein "perhaps the wittiest writer (working in his genre) alive, the funniest since Randall Jarrell." A writer for The Forward called him "perhaps the smartest American alive who also writes well."

The origin of the word 'snob' ....

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The word ‘snob’ is said to have arisen from the custom of writing “s. nob.”, that is, ‘sine nobilitate,’ after the names of children of untitled parents in certain English schools.
— Norman DeWitt, The Classical Weekly (Pittsburgh, PA), 1 Oct. 1941

“The word snob  is first recorded in the late 18th century as a term for a shoemaker or his apprentice. At about this time it was indeed adopted by Cambridge students, but they didn't use it to refer to students who lacked a title or were of humble origins; they used it generally of anyone who was not a student.”


(…) “Even an approximate age of the noun snob is beyond reconstruction, for no citation of it predates 1776. Judging by the records, it originated in the north of England, which neither means that it is a loan from Scandinavian into Middle English nor makes such a conjecture improbable. Some Scandinavian words that had been current in the north since the Vikings’ raids reached the Standard unexpectedly late. One of them is slang, whose history, contrary to the history of snob, has been traced in detail. The attested meanings of snob are as following (the dates in parentheses refer to their first known appearance in print); “shoemaker; cobbler’s apprentice” (1781); “a townsman, anyone not a gownsman (that is, a student) in Cambridge” (1796); “a person belonging to the ordinary or lower classes of society; one having no pretensions to rank or gentility; one who has little or no breeding or good taste, a vulgar or ostentatious person” (1838, 1859); “one whose ideas and conduct are prompted by a vulgar admiration for wealth or social position” (1846-1848). Snob “cobbler” is still a living word in some dialects, but most English-speakers remember only the last-mentioned meaning.

 The word snob and its derivatives (snobbery, snobbish, snobbishness; rarely snobbism) owe their popularity to Thackeray, who first published his essays on various snobs in Punch and later collected them in a book. His snobs are not always vulgar and ostentatious people: some are insufficiently refined, and their manners are ridiculed only because of the pressure of society, which slights those whose manners violate certain rules. A reader of older English literature may wonder what is meant when snob turns up in the text. Long ago, an annual called The Keepsake (the predecessor of Christmas books) was published in the United States. In the annual for 1831, the following verse appeared: “Sir Samuel Snob—that was his name—/ Three times to Mrs. Brown/ Had ventured just to hint his flame,/ And twice received—a frown.” We applaud Sir Samuel’s perseverance but would like to know why his surname was Snob. Most definitely, he was not a cobbler. I suspect that he lacked breeding, for otherwise he would not have accosted a married woman in such an ungentlemanly way.

 Some tie connects snob and nob. The latter has a doublet knob, and the two are often impossible to distinguish. Among other things, nob/knob means “head.” Cobblers (“snobs”) deal with people’s feet, not their heads, but nobs did not make hats or bonnets. Snobs and nobs are said to have arisen among the internal factions of shoemakers. (Here and below, I am using shoemaker and cobbler as interchangeable synonyms, but originally the cobblers claimed control over the soles of boots and shoes, and shoemakers over the upper leathers.) Allusions to “two great sections of mankind, nobs and snobs” turn up occasionally in 19th-century fiction and the popular press. According to an 1831 newspaper statement (again 1831!), “the nobs have lost their dirty seats—the honest snobs have got ‘em.” A hundred years ago, in British provincial English a strikebreaker, or scab, as such an individual is known in the United States, was called knobstick, blacknob, knob, and nob. Here “nobs” are again represented as dishonest. Although in regional speech the sound s– is often added to all kinds of words (hence the secondary bond between slang and language, for example), nothing suggests that the etymon (source) of snob is nob, with s– prefixed to it. Both snob and cobbler contain the group -ob-, but this coincidence is probably of no importance either.

 It does not follow that “cobbler” is the original meaning of snob because it is the earliest one in our texts. More likely, the starting point was “a vulgar person,” with “cobbler” chosen as the epitome of vulgarity. Students at Cambridge must have had that connotation in mind when they, the gownsmen, showed their contempt to the townsmen. At Eaton and Oxford, townsmen were called cads. Cad is a shortening of cad(d)ee, that is, of caddie “cadet” (cadet is a French word), and it meant “an unbooked passenger on a coach; assistant to a coachman; omnibus conductor; confederate,” in dialects also “the youngest of a litter; an odd-job man” before it acquired the meaning “townsman” and “an ill-bred person.” Cobblers and their apprentices are no more “vulgar” than conductors and their assistants.

 The question is why snob, whatever its age and provenance, came to designate a person deficient in breeding and how it was coined. In the Germanic languages, the consonantal group sn– is sound symbolic, and in this respect it shares common ground with gl– (which often turns up in words for “glitter” and “glow”) and sl– (which is frequent in words for “slime” and things slovenly and sleazy). Initial sn– occurs in numerous words designating cutting (compare snip, snap, and snub) and sharp objects, including “nose” (compare snout) and its functions (compare sneeze, snooze, snort, sniff, and snuff). Among the Scandinavian words resembling snob, especially prominent are a few meaning “fool, dolt, idiot,” but they have the structure sn-p. The connection between cutting/snapping/ sniffing and stupidity is not immediately obvious, but one can be called a fool for so many reasons that guessing would be unprofitable. People may have called the sn-p man a fool because he was of stunted growth (“snubbed” by nature) or had an ugly “snout.” A snotty person produces too much mucus in his nose, but snotty is also “arrogant, supercilious.” Perhaps snotty “arrogant” is a variant of snooty “snouty,” unrelated directly to snot; however, one cannot be certain. Old Icelandic snotr “clever, wise” has cognates in other Germanic languages and continued into Modern Icelandic (snotur). The etymology of snotr remains a matter of debate. In any case, a person who has a sensitive nose smells things others miss and becomes clever in the process. In historical semantics, as in life, the distance between “wise” and “stupid” is short.


Welcome to the sn-club. Snob belongs to it, but its origin is partly obscure. When it emerged, it seems to have designated a person whose social status was low. Although, apparently, a northern word, snob does not sound exactly like any Scandinavian noun or verb and could be coined on English soil. It correlates with nob but was not derived from it, and its association with cobblers is more or less fortuitous. Snob may be a cognate of snub, but their kinship does not explain how it was coined. According to a legend, whose earliest version was offered in 1850, snob is an abbreviation of either s(ine) nob(ilitate) or s(ub) nob(ilitate). Allegedly, those words were written in the matriculation documents at either Cambridge or Oxford, or Eaton if a graduate was not an aristocrat. This legend, as Skeat, himself a long-time professor at Cambridge, put it, is a poor joke.”

Snob Before and After Thackeray
MAY 14TH 2008
By Anatoly Liberman

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“No one knows why we used to call shoemakers snobs, although it seems fairly clear that this meaning was the first one intended by this word, beginning in the early to mid-18th century. The Oxford English Dictionary has evidence indicating that the word was next used in Cambridge University slang by the end of that century, to refer to a denizen of the town, rather than of the college.

 By the 1830s snob had taken on meanings that were directly related to class, but not in the way that we use it today. This early 19th century sense was “a person not belonging to the upper classes; one not an aristocrat.” In the middle 19th century the word took on the meaning of “one who blatantly imitates, fawningly admires, or vulgarly seeks association with those he regards as his superiors.”



He who meanly admires mean things is a Snob—perhaps that is a safe definition of the character.

— William Makepeace Thackeray, The Book of Snobs, 1848

 I’ll teach you how to behave to your superiors, you condescending snob of an aristocrat.

— Maude Howe, ”Phillida,” in The Ladies’ Home Journal (Philadelphia, PA), May 1890



Finally, by the beginning of the 20th century snob had come to be used to mean “one who tends to rebuff the advances of those he regards as inferior; one inclined to social exclusiveness.”

 He was in trade, he said, and was proud of it. He was an American through and through, and there was not an inch of the snob about him.

— The Nashville American (Nashville, TN), 11 Jan. 1901

And I had never been a snob about birth or position or money or even intellect, perhaps not even about breeding. I have always had friendly relations with tradespeople and servants.

— Abby Meguire Roach, The Louisville Courier-Journal (Louisville, KY), 28 Dec. 1919


 If you can transform that story of snob into the sort of anecdote that crushes in polite company, more power to you. Or you could look for an etymological anecdote which has not yet been debunked; there are a few of them out there still.

Merriam-Webster: proudly ruining your chit-chat since 1843.

Why Were Shoemakers 'Snobs'?
The word wasn't always so hifalutin.”

 THE PRIME OF MISS JEAN BRODIE

 THE DIARY OF A NOBODY

 Great Expectations Pip


Keeping Up Appearances


Helena Bonham Carter 55 STEPS / Helena Bonham Carter to play Princess Margaret in The Crown / VIDEO: Official Trailer (2018) Helena Bonham Carter, Hilary Swank Movi...

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Interview
Helena Bonham Carter: ‘Standing up to Harvey wasn’t easy’
In her 35-year career, the actor has seen the best and worst of Hollywood. She talks about divorce, depression and making her most personal film

Simon Hattenstone
Mon 8 Oct 2018 06.00 BST Last modified on Mon 8 Oct 2018 09.48 BST

Helena Bonham Carter does not attempt to disguise her hurt. She says she has just made the most important and personal film of her career, and is convinced nobody will see it. 55 Steps tells the story of Eleanor Riese, a psychiatric patient who successfully fought the US’s medical and political establishment in the 1980s for the right to refuse antipsychotic drugs.

Bonham Carter, who executive-produced the film as well as playing Riese, tried to get the movie made for 15 years, but it kept collapsing – budget problems, casting problems, director problems. Initially, she was going to play Colette Hughes, the campaigning lawyer (think Erin Brockovich) who represents Riese, with Susan Sarandon in the central role. But so much time passed that Bonham Carter ended up playing the older psychiatric patient, with Hilary Swank cast as the lawyer. And now the film is going straight to video.

We meet at a restaurant close to where she lives in London. You can spot her a mile off. If she weren’t so famous, you might think she was down on her luck – massive dirty black coat and trainers disguising a gorgeous floral dress (“I wore it as a tribute to Eleanor – she loves flowers”); massive shades disguising a gorgeous girlish face. Bonham Carter is the establishment’s oddball – uninhibited, direct, forceful, funny and, at times, vulnerable. (Riese was always an outsider, but they have much in common.)

She takes a bottle of Coke out of her bag, pours it discreetly into a glass and asks the waiter for ice.

“I want some food,” she says to me. “Have you eaten?” She puts on her filthy reading glasses, which are hanging on a pearl lanyard. Are the pearls real? “No, but they’ve got the weight. Feel them. Look. I’ve got to get them for Margaret, because she likes pearls.” She is playing the famously hot-blooded and hot-tempered princess in the next series of The Crown. She pulls a finger across her mouth to zip it. “I’m not allowed to talk about The Crown.” She turns her attention to the menu. “I’m going to do lots of meze. Aubergine salad! Mmmm. Tabbouleh, chicken shashlik, hummus, tzatziki and some lentils.” She bursts out laughing. “I’ll just buy the whole lot.”

Bonham Carter, 52, seems to have been with us for ever. She comes from a well-to-do family (her great-grandfather was the Liberal prime minister Herbert Asquith), made her name in the 1980s playing English roses in tasteful Merchant Ivory adaptations of EM Forster classics (A Room With a View, Maurice, Howards End) and evolved into something entirely grungier. She first reinvented herself in the late 90s, cast as a louche siren in David Fincher’s Fight Club. Then came a professional and romantic relationship with Tim Burton, master of the ghoulish fairytale, who cast her in unlikely, often unearthly, roles – a rebel chimp in Planet of the Apes, the Red Queen with the huge, hydrocephalised head in Alice in Wonderland, the eponymous zombie in Corpse Bride, and the adorable serial-killer Mrs Lovett in Sweeney Todd. Bonham Carter and Burton had two children (Billy Ray, now 15, and Nell, 10) and became a tabloid staple. They were fabulously eccentric – supremely childlike (the goths who never grew up) and a Hollywood power couple. One day, Bonham Carter would be photographed shopping for milk in her pyjamas, the next she would be enjoying a New Year stroll with then prime minister David Cameron. (And, no, she says, she is not a Tory – “Rule of life: you don’t have to be a Tory in order to be friends with one. Even if they end up being PM.”) There were endless stories about their wacky lives – notably the fact that they lived in adjoining cottages, and slept separately (he snored in his sleep, she talked). Even she referred to herself and Burton as “the bonkers couple”. Then, four years ago, they announced they were splitting up.

“It’s a miracle this film got made,” she says of 55 Steps. “It’s fallen apart so many times.” But the more knockbacks, the more determined she was. She says she felt a responsibility to a woman who had been silenced for so much of her life. “It was like I was carrying the baton for Eleanor. The main thing she wanted was to be heard.”

The film is called 55 Steps because, among other things, Riese had OCD – she was an obsessive counter of her footsteps, and had to climb 55 steps for her first day in the San Francisco court. Has Bonham Carter ever had OCD? “No. I’ve had depression. My periods of depression usually relate to the end of things. But I don’t have rituals. I’ve had times when my mind is not helping me.” She stops. “Actually, when I was little, I did. I used to jump up and down three times. This was just before I did the 11-plus. I thought if I didn’t do it, I wouldn’t get in. It obviously worked.”

The curious thing is, she says, it only gradually dawned on her just how personal a film this is. She shows me a picture on her iPhone of her younger self, little more than a toddler. “I look so concerned. Already worried. I was a worrier.”

After the death of her grandfather, her mother, Elena, had a breakdown; Bonham Carter was five. “Grief can bring a hell of a lot of other stuff up,” she says. “But she always felt her breakdown was a gift. Mum has been a real example of wearing her depression and her mental frailty as a badge of honour. She’s saying: ‘Look at what I survived.’” (Her mother trained as a psychotherapist when she recovered, and still practises today at 84.)

When her mother had her breakdown, says Bonham Carter, “she had a recurring dream that she was eating her father – carving him up and eating him. She thought it was the most horrifying dream, and the therapist she ended up seeing said: ‘What did he taste like?’ And she said: ‘No one’s ever asked me that. Really sweet.’ After that, the dream went. Suddenly it was solved.”

The family links to 55 Steps run deeper. When Riese was 10 years old, she contracted meningitis, and an operation went wrong, leaving her with brain damage. When Bonham Carter was 13, her father, Raymond, a banker, was diagnosed with an acoustic neuroma – a noncancerous growth – in the brain cortex. The surgeon prolonged the operation by six hours to try to save his facial nerve; he subsequently had a post-operative stroke that left him paralysed and cortically blind. She adored her father. “He was amazing. He was so clever and flipping hilarious. When somebody is so disabled, other bits compensate. He got even brainier, and more bold. My dad sat down for 25 years of his life. He was never upright. The only time I saw him upright was when he came down the stairs in his mortuary bag.”

It was only when she was shooting a scene towards the end of 55 Steps that Bonham Carter linked her father’s experience with Riese’s. “I thought: ‘Of course I’m doing this film because of my flipping father; because he also had a medical intervention on the brain that went wrong.’”

She talks about how optimistic she was when 55 Steps was finished. It premiered at the 2017 Toronto film festival, the two real-life lawyers (Hughes and Mort Cohen, played by Jeffrey Tambor) attended the screening, and it got a rapturous ovation. “Mort came up to me and said: ‘You have no idea how much this is going to help; this film will do more to raise awareness of people like Eleanor than anything I can do.’ Then no one bought it.”

Why does she think that was? “One or two reviews were OK about me and another two really assassinated me. I was like, maybe they’re right, maybe it is completely over the top. There was one really horrible one and at the end of it somebody tweeted and said: ‘Excuse me, I knew Eleanor and she pitched her perfectly.’ When Colette saw the film she said: ‘You’ve resurrected her.’ So I felt a bit of vindication.”

Of course, it’s a big performance, Bonham Carter says – Riese was a big personality. “What I didn’t like about it was that they assumed I was being patronising. I am the last person to patronise this woman. I am her biggest champion.” Her voice rises. “Don’t you dare level that accusation. Maybe I’m a crap actor, but don’t don’t don’t say that I’m patronising her.” She is right; it is a big performance. But it is a big, touching, life-affirming performance that could just as easily have been Oscar-nominated as panned.

Bonham Carter says she thinks there might be another reason why the film wasn’t bought. “It might have been something to do with Jeffrey [Tambor], who has had a whole sexual scandal drama to do with the Amazon TV series Transparent. Unfortunately that came out just at the time, and people might have thought: ‘Oh, we can’t touch it.’” This year, Tambor was fired from Transparent after allegations of sexual harassment which he has denied. Bonham Carter is staying loyal to Tambor. “He has such compassion, and I don’t believe that same heart would be capable of any kind of abuse.”

A number of people Bonham Carter has worked with have been caught up in abuse allegations. Johnny Depp, who starred with her in five films Burton directed, was accused of being “verbally and physically abusive” by his former wife Amber Heard after they separated. Depp denied the allegations and Heard dropped her domestic abuse case against him. Did the allegations affect her relationship with Depp? “No. Johnny is still a friend. He’s the godfather to my children. I haven’t seen him for a long time. But he’s quite an elusive character.” Silence.

What does she think of the #MeToo movement? “It is definitely a good thing that #MeToo has happened. Any kind of abuse is not on. But I think one has to be careful. You have to be absolutely rigorous about what somebody has done to stand up and accuse them. You have to honour #MeToo.”

The #MeToo movement began on social media after the first abuse allegations were made against film producer Harvey Weinstein, with whom she has also worked. When I ask about Weinstein her response is typically measured. “Nobody is wholly bad and nobody is wholly good. He was very clever. There are a lot of reasons he was very powerful. He knew how to get you Oscar nominations. Both my nominations are due to him. And he had great taste in films.” What was the downside? “I found the way he treated certain people chilling – without any kind of respect. There were many times I disagreed with the way he behaved, and I don’t mean sexually.” He was bullying? “Yes. There were times when Harvey asked me to do certain things, and I said no. I knew I was running a thin line. Standing up to him wasn’t an easy thing to do because I knew I could potentially lose work.”

Why could she stand up to Weinstein when so many others couldn’t? “Because I already had a career. Other people were employing me. I wasn’t reliant on him.” Despite this, she says, she did discover the cost of disobeying him when working on the Jean-Pierre Jeunet film The Young and Prodigious TS Spivet, about a genius boy who runs away from home. “Harvey wanted me to tell Jeunet to change it. There is a scene in which he hitchhikes and Harvey said as soon as that kid gets into a truck everyone will think the truck driver is a child molester and all the kids in America will be freaked out. I said: ‘I don’t think you’re right, and I’m not going to tell Jean-Pierre Jeunet I know better than him.’” What did Weinstein say to her? “‘You’ve got to tell that arrogant asshole he’s being a shit, he doesn’t know the American market like I do.’ I found it revolting.”

Did she think Weinstein’s behaviour would come back to haunt him? “No, absolutely not.” Because he was too powerful? “Yes.” Had she heard allegations of sex abuse? “I was aware certain actresses had had sex with him, but I thought it was consensual.” Did her experience put her off working with him? “No. It’s a business.”

Bonham Carter is admirably honest about Weinstein. As she is about the end of her relationship with Burton. Reports have suggested they still live side by side in their adjoining cottages, but she says this is untrue. Earlier, she mentioned that she tended to get depression when things end. Did she have a bout after they split up? “I had a depression, definitely. I think when you’re with somebody your identity is wrapped up with that person, so it’s a loss of identity when you break up. I wouldn’t say divorce is the easiest thing.” Were they married? “No, but we were emotionally married. We’re family. So even when you know something is meant to end, that it’s had its proper life, you still have to grieve for all the good bits. It’s a whole massive re-formation.”

There have been rumours that they will get back together, but she says she now thinks of the relationship as the past. “I think we’ll have a friendship because we made the two greatest things in the world.” Do they share custody of the children? “Yes.” She pauses. “Well, they share us.” Is there anybody new in her life? She grins. “I’ve got two bunnies and a tortoise. I’m not prepared to talk about my friends.” Pause. That sounds like a yes? “Maybe.” She tugs at a huge silver hairpin that says “Maybe”. “Look there’s a Maybe in my hair.”

She talks about how the world has been turned on its head in recent years – Trump, #MeToo, Brexit (“God, it’s a disaster. Now we know what we’re talking about there’s no doubt we should have another referendum”).

After all the grieving, she says, she now feels positive. “I’ve got a whole new life. It’s fun. It’s less boring. It’s got a whole new unpredictability. It’s really nice.”

She is also excited about her work. While so many middle-aged female actors bemoan the lack of interesting work, Bonham Carter feels it is getting more interesting. After all the bonnets and Burton-inspired weirdness she is establishing herself as a character actor, with the rare ability to do frumpy (Enid Blyton and Riese) and glam (Elizabeth Taylor in the fine TV drama Burton and Taylor, and her forthcoming Princess Margaret in The Crown).

It is time to leave. But she is still thinking about 55 Steps. She says she knows it might sound funny, but she genuinely believes Eleanor Riese has helped her through her tough times. “I think it’s probably the best thing I’ve done. The irony is that I think three people will see it. But, luckily, even if you are in a nominal flop, as an actor you always have the gift of playing someone who’ll leave her imprint on your soul and psyche. I’m a wiser, more joyous person for having known her.”

55 Steps is available to buy and rent from 15 October

 
Vanessa Kirby as Princess Margaret in The Crown. Photograph: Netflix/Kobal/Rex/Shutterstock
 Helena Bonham Carter to play Princess Margaret in The Crown
Actor says she is terrified to be taking over from Vanessa Kirby for third series of Netflix drama

Press Association

Thu 3 May 2018 18.24 BST Last modified on Thu 3 May 2018 22.00 BST
 This article is over 5 months old

Helena Bonham Carter has said she is terrified to be taking over from Vanessa Kirby as Princess Margaret in the third series of the drama The Crown.

Bonham Carter, who was previously rumoured for Netflix’s show, was officially announced for the role alongside Jason Watkins, who will play Harold Wilson.

They join previously announced cast members Olivia Colman as Queen Elizabeth II and Tobias Menzies as Prince Philip, who are taking over from Claire Foy and Matt Smith.

Kirby was nominated for a Bafta for her portrayal of Margaret.

Bonham Carter said: “I’m not sure which I’m more terrified about – doing justice to the real Princess Margaret or following in the shoes of Vanessa Kirby’s Princess Margaret.

“The only thing I can guarantee is that I’ll be shorter [than Vanessa].”

Watkins said: “I am delighted to become part of this exceptional show. And so thrilled to be working once again with Peter Morgan. Harold Wilson is a significant and fascinating character in our history. So looking forward to bringing him to life, through a decade that transformed us culturally and politically.

“And I am excited to be working so closely with Olivia; and the whole team.”

Bonham Carter, 51, is known for her many film roles, including her Bafta-winning peformance in The King’s Speech, as well as The Wings of the Dove, Hamlet and the Harry Potter films.

Watkins, 51, won a Bafta for his role in mini-series The Lost Honour of Christopher Jefferies, and has also starred in TV shows Trollied, Being Human and Dirk Gently.

Created by Morgan, The Crown will refresh its cast as time goes on to reflect the ageing of the characters.

The first series covered the period 1947 to 1955; the second 1956 to 1963.


The Crown will return for series three in 2019.

New show at the Textile and Fashion Museum in London / Exhibition Dates: 12 October 2018 – 20 January 2019

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A new show at the Textile and Fashion Museum in London recalls classic garments from the 1930s. 


Following the success of 2017’s 1920s Jazz Age: Fashion and Photographs, we are thoroughly excited to announce our Winter 2018 exhibition: Night and Day: 1930s Fashion and Photographs!

As a decade of design, the Thirties saw off the excess of the Jazz Age and ushered in the utilitarianism of World War II. As the flapper grew up, so too did her fashions. The new silhouettes of the 1930s played with the hard edged chic seen in the Art Deco and Moderne styles, the unexpected as seen in the surrealists and the sensuality of silver screen sirens.

The exhibition will explore the day and evening styles of the decade, complemented by photographs of the stars who championed them. With fashion as the lens, Night and Day: 1930s Fashion and Photographs will traverse the great period of social change that was the 1930s.

Exhibition Dates: 12 October 2018 – 20 January 2019
Open Tuesdays to Saturdays, 11am–6pm
Thursdays until 8pm
Sundays, 11am–5pm
Last admission 45 minutes before closing
Closed Mondays



Published on 14 September 2018
Cecil Beaton and more star at the Fashion and Textile Museum
written by Diane Smyth

Merle Oberon wearing a pearl headdress designed by Cecil Beaton and costume by Oliver Messel, photograph by Cecil Beaton, 1934, courtesy of The Cecil Beaton Studio Archive, Sotheby’s copy

Night and Day: 1930s Fashion and Photographs features a special display devoted to Beaton plus images by pioneering photographers such as Paul Tanqueray, Madame Yevonde and Dorothy Wilding

Born in London’s prosperous Hampstead in 1904, Cecil Beaton went to school with Evelyn Waugh (who bullied him), and Cyril Connolly (who admired the beauty of his singing). Taught photography by his nanny, Beaton found work assisting cutting-edge young photographer Paul Tanqueray, and became famous for his portraits of the Bright Young Things – the decadent young socialites of the 1920s and 30s, whose hedonistic lives were captured in Waugh’s glittering, somewhat fatalistic novel Vile Bodies.

Beaton was taken on by Vogue in 1927 and moved to the US in 1929; he was a staff photographer for both Vogue and Vanity Fair until 1938, when he was fired for inserting anti-Semitic phrases by the side of an illustration of New York society in American Vogue. Returning to Britain, he went on to take photographs for the British Ministry of Information during World War Two and later rehabilitated his career, going on to photograph stars such as Mick Jagger, Marilyn Monroe, and Andy Warhol. He also launched a successful career in set and costume design in the 1950s and 60s.

But it’s his photographs from the 1930s that star in The Fashion and Textile Museum, where a display titled Cecil Beaton: Thirty from the 1930s – Fashion, Film, Fantasy will show off the work that helped define an era. Curated by Terence Pepper, the display includes Beaton’s photograph of heiress Daisy Fellowes, wearing a custom-made Cartier necklace, for example; it also takes in Beaton’s icily glamorous portrait of Merle Oberon, who was born in the-then Bombay and went on to star in films such as The Scarlet Pimpernel and The Dark Angel.

The Beaton display is part of a much larger exhibition titled Night and Day: 1930s Fashion & Photographs, which includes day and evening fashions of this tumultuous decade, the advertising photographs and magazines that helped popularise them, and iconic photographs of the stars who championed them – shot by pioneering image-makers such as Beaton’s one-time employer, Paul Tanqueray.

Night and Day: 1930s Fashion and Photographs and Cecil Beaton: Thirty from the 30s – Fashion, Film and Fantasy are on show at The Fashion and Textile Museum, 83 Bermondsey Street, London SE1 3XF from 12 October 2018 – 20 January 2019 www.ftmlondon.org



Night and Day: 1930s Fashion and Photographs - in pictures
Photograph: Rights Managed/Fashion and Textile Museum
A new show at the Textile and Fashion Museum in London recalls classic garments from the 1930s. Meanwhile, Cecil Beaton: Thirty from the 30s explores the photographer’s works on fashion, film and fantasy.
Both shows run from 12 October to 20 January 2019
Fri 12 Oct 2018 07.56 BST







Robert "Romeo" Coates THE "BEST" BATH’S WORST ACTOR.

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Robert "Romeo" Coates (1772–1848) was an English eccentric, best remembered for his career as an amateur actor. His self-image included a highly mistaken belief in his own thespian prowess. Born in Antigua in the West Indies, the only surviving child of a wealthy sugar planter, and educated in England, he began to appear in plays in Bath in 1809, and became notorious for his fondness for appearing in leading roles. His favourite part was the male lead in Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet, hence his widely used nickname. After professional theatrical producers failed to cast Coates in roles prominent enough to satisfy him, he used his family fortune to subsidise his own productions in which he was both the producer and the lead actor.

ALAS! POOR ROMEO: BATH’S WORST ACTOR
Historian Catherine Pitt tells the story of a man considered to be the worst actor in history, yet Bath audiences queued to see him perform

Bath, 1808 – genteel, sedate, elegant. Quietly the social season began unhindered, the glorious colour and buzz of the Beau Nash years a faded memory. Into this calm stepped an exotic character – the self-styled Amateur of Fashion, a man who was soon to be considered “the worst actor in English theatrical History”. Ladies and Gentleman, allow me to introduce to you – Robert ‘Romeo’ Coates.

Born in 1772 in Antigua, the only surviving child of plantation owners, Coates was schooled in England but returned to the West Indies after his parents refused to allow him to pursue a military career. When he wasn’t travelling, Coates would dabble in amateur dramatics. After his father’s death in 1807, Robert rapidly headed for England, first to London and then to Bath.

When Coates appeared on the peaceful city streets in 1808, few had seen his like before. Even in the period of Regency dandyism his appearance raised more than a few eyebrows. He was wont to wear vast furs in all weathers even during the day, and at the height of summer. In the evenings he would appear in the Pump Room and Assembly Rooms resplendent in a sky blue coat, yellow breeches, a multi-coloured cravat and a feathered hat.

If this wasn’t enough, Coates embellished every accoutrement of his attire – from his shirt buttons to his garter and shoe buckles, with hundreds of diamonds. Even his walking cane was topped with a vast sparkling jewel. He was, as one observer noted, surrounded by a “halo of rainbow-changing colours like those of the Antiguan moonlight” and almost immediately gained the moniker of ‘Diamond’ Coates.

To add to his outlandish image, Coates chose to travel in a carriage of his own design. This two wheeled chariot, known as a curricle, was shaped like a shell or kettle drum, and was pulled by two white horses. Atop the curricle was Coates’ mascot and motto – a crowing fighting cockerel, wings outstretched, and underneath the boast: “Whilst I live I’ll Crow”.

Despite his noticeable presence in Bath, few knew who he was or where he was from; all they knew was that he must be a man of wealth to indulge in such eccentricities. There are conflicting views as to where exactly he lodged in Bath, but what is certain is that he could be found, daily, enjoying breakfast and lunch at York House on George Street, a large coaching inn (and still a hotel today). It was here that, according to Pryse Gordon, a man who takes the claim (or blame) for introducing Coates to the Bath stage, he approached Coates when overhearing him rehearsing passages from Shakespeare. Apparently correcting Coates on a line, he was met with the words, “Aye, that is the reading I know . . . but I think I have improved upon it.”


On further enquiry Gordon discovered Coates’ passion for Shakespeare and for amateur dramatics, and currying favour with this wealthy eccentric, Gordon offered to introduce Coates to the manager of the Theatre Royal, William Wyatt Dimond. Coates declared that he was “ready and willing to play Romeo to a Bath audience.”

Dimond was unwilling to risk the theatre’s reputation on an unknown, but much reassurance from Gordon that seats would be filled (Gordon had persuaded a number of his friends to purchase theatre boxes prior to the performance) and probably some monetary reassurance from Coates, Dimond agreed to a date. Playbills were plastered throughout the city announcing that on 8 February 1809 a new production of Romeo and Juliet was opening and that the male lead, Romeo, was to be played by “an amateur actor from the fashionable world”.

As word spread of Coates’ acting debut, seats began to fill up fast. On the evening of the production the Theatre Royal was packed with curious Bathonians, with many more turned away at the door. Inside the anticipation was palpable. Bejewelled necks craned to the stage and excited murmurings were heard in the packed house.

On Coates’ entrance the audience were at first dumbfounded at the vision stood before them, described by an observer as “one of the most grotesque spectacles ever witnessed upon the stage”. Romeo wore “a spangled coat of sky blue silk, crimson pantaloons,” the usual diamond additions; plus a huge baroque wig. Balanced on top of this was a white trimmed hat with plumes of ostrich feathers. Coates took a nervous bobbing bow, grinning away, and the audience burst into peals of laughter and roars of applause in equal measure.

Unfazed Coates proceeded, though it was like no version of Shakespeare’s play ever seen before or since. Coates had a tendency to forget his lines, add in his own where he thought they needed improving, and would alternately whisper sections to just one box in the theatre. During the famous balcony scene, Coates turned away from Juliet, pulled out his snuff box and proceeded to take a pinch. As the public roared their approval he took this as a sign and ended up offering it to a number of ladies and gentlemen in the audience.

As if that wasn’t enough to amuse the Bath audience, Coates’ costume was so tight, it made him move about the stage in an awkward and what must have been highly amusing gait. Half way through the play, during the rendition of an impassioned speech, the seams at the seat of his red breeches could take no more and burst open, revealing a “quantity of white linen sufficient to make a Bourbon flag!”

“Convulsed with laughter a number of members of the audience shouted out “Die Again, Romeo” and happily Coates obliged, not once but twice more”

On appearing at the tomb of Juliet, crowbar in his hand, the audience thought there couldn’t be more to this tragedy turned farce, but before proceeding with his death scene, Coates took out a silk handkerchief, laid it on the boards, put his hat down to act as a pillow and then went through a most lengthy and, apparently from his grimaces and groans, agonising ‘death’ before carefully laying himself out on stage.

Convulsed with laughter a number of members of the audience shouted out “Die Again, Romeo” and happily Coates obliged, not once but twice more. He was about to attempt a third encore when Juliet appeared from the wings and stopped him. Dimond, unsure on what to do at this juncture, and fearing retribution from the public, hastily dropped the curtain bringing the play, finally, to an end. Meanwhile on stage Coates ran around, hanging off boxes, shouting “Haven’t I done well?”– so Robert ‘Romeo’ Coates was born.

It seems that the jeers and heckles that Coates received made little impact on him – in fact he could give back as good as he got and thought nothing of turning to the offending heckler and giving them a piece of his mind. He was positively buoyed by what he considered his success in Bath, so much so that he decided to tour his production of Romeo and Juliet around the country, including playing the Haymarket Theatre in London, as well as in Brighton and Stratford-upon-Avon.

Although a subject of mockery and satirisation around the country, Coates still considered himself just an amateur actor and did not take a wage. In fact he probably had to pay actors and actresses to appear alongside him. His reputation preceded him so theatres were packed. Any profits Coates would request went to charity.

By 1816 Coates decided to forgo the stage, and in December he headed to the city, and theatre where it had all began, for the final act. Over three days in Bath he decided to perform another of his favourite plays, The West Indian, but for the final public performance Coates went full circle and chose Romeo and Juliet.

It was said by audience members who had seen him seven years previously that he was much improved but by how much is not implied. As before, Coates was jeered, but this time he didn’t ignore the jibes; but paused and declared that people could request their money back if they were not happy with his performance, but that his intention was that the money from this play, and his performance the following day, were to go to the local Pierrepont Street Charity. Shamed into silence, a more reverent crowd allowed Coates to continue.

After 1816 he would do the occasional private charitable performance, but it was the last the public would see of ‘Romeo’ Coates. Dogged by debt collectors during the financial troubles of the 1830s, Coates took refuge in Boulogne for a few years where he was often spotted in his furs.

His death, in February 1848, was as bizarre as his life had been – he was crushed between two carriages in London’s Covent Garden after a night at the Opera. Alas, Poor Romeo!



Coates claimed to be the best actor in Britain. He would appear in bizarre costumes of his own design, invent new scenes and dialogue mid-show, and repeat parts of the play he particularly liked—usually dramatic death scenes—up to three or four times a night. His fame quickly spread and people flocked to see whether Coates was really as bad as they had heard. They laughed and jeered at him; Coates sometimes turned to the audience and answered in kind. By 1816 audiences had tired of mocking Coates, and theatre managers were no longer willing to let him use their premises. After some years living in France to avoid creditors, he returned to England, married in 1823, and had two children who both predeceased him. Coates died in London in 1848, aged about 76, after a Hansom cab hit him outside the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane.

Robert Coates was born in Antigua in the West Indies, the only surviving child of a wealthy sugar planter, Alexander Coates, and his wife Dorothy. He was educated in England, and on returning to Antigua took part in amateur dramatics. When he inherited his father's estate and a large collection of diamonds in 1807, he moved to Bath, England, where he lived as a man of fashion. He eventually drew the attention of the manager of the Theatre Royal, Bath and had begun to appear in plays in 1809, though not as a professional actor.

Later he appeared in Romeo and Juliet in the part of Romeo – in a costume of his own design. The costume had a flowing, sky-blue cloak with sequins, red pantaloons, a vest of white muslin, a large cravat, and a plumed "opera hat," according to Captain Rees Howell Gronow – not to mention dozens of diamonds – which was hardly suitable for the part. The too-small garments caused him to move stiffly, and at some point, the seat of his pants split open. The audience roared with laughter.

Despite this ridicule, Coates went on to tour the British Isles. If a theatre manager would hesitate to let him show his talents, he would bribe them. Managers, in turn, often called in the police in case things went seriously wrong.

Coates was convinced he was the best actor in business – or at least that is what he claimed. He forgot his lines all the time and invented new scenes and dialogue on the spot. He loved dramatic death scenes and would repeat them – or any other scenes he happened to take a fancy to – three to four times over.

Coates claimed that he wanted to improve the classics. At the end of his first appearance as Romeo he came back in with a crowbar and tried to pry open Capulet's tomb. In another of his antics he made the actress playing Juliet so embarrassed that she clung to a pillar and refused to leave the stage. Eventually no actress would agree to play the part with him.

The audience usually answered with angered catcalls and embarrassed jeering – and loads of laughter. His fellow actors would try to make him leave the stage. If Coates thought the audience was getting out of hand, he turned to them and answered in kind.

His fame spread and people would flock to see whether he really was as bad as they had heard. For some reason, Baron Ferdinand de Geramb became his foremost supporter. Even the Prince Regent (the future King George IV) would go to see him. In 1811, when he played the part of Lothario in The Fair Penitent in London's Haymarket Theatre, the theatre had to turn thousands of would-be spectators away. In another performance in Richmond, Surrey, several audience members had to be treated for excessive laughter.

Coates went on with his antics. Once, when he dropped a diamond buckle when he was going to exit the stage, he crawled around the stage looking for it. During his first performance of Romeo & Juliet, he pulled out his snuff box in the middle of a scene and offered some to the occupants of a box. Then, during Romeo's death scene, Coates carefully placed his hat on the ground for a pillow and used his dirty handkerchief to dust the stage before lying on it. Finally, at the invitation of the audience, he acted out Romeo's death twice—and was about to attempt a third before his Juliet came back to life and interrupted him.[4] The amusement of the audience was enormous. There is some question as to whether Coates believed he was a great actor as he professed to, or if his performances weren't brilliant parody.

Offstage
Outside the stage Coates tried to amaze the public with his taste in clothing. He wore furs even in hot weather. He went out in a custom-built carriage with a heraldic device of a crowing cock and the motto While I live, I'll crow. In receptions he glittered from head to toe with diamond buttons and buckles. His predilection for diamonds of all kinds gave him the nickname "Diamond Coates".

Coates was never a professional actor, and only made his stage appearances in support of charitable causes: his own nickname of choice was 'the Celebrated Philanthropic Amateur'. After 1816 his performances ceased, as audiences had tired of laughing at him and theatrical managers were wary of allowing him use of their premises. Later he fell into financial difficulties and to avoid creditors moved to Boulogne-sur-Mer, where he met Emma Anne Robinson, daughter of a naval lieutenant.After Coates put his finances back into better order they returned to England and were married on 6 September 1823. The two lived quietly in London, living lastly at his residence, 28 Montagu Square.They had two children, both of whom predeceased Coates. Emma remarried in the year of Coates's death, her second husband being Mark Boyd.

Robert Coates died in London in 1848 after a street accident. He was caught and crushed between a Hansom cab and a private carriage as he was leaving a performance at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane on 15 February, and died at home six days later. At his inquest the coroner brought in a verdict of manslaughter by person or persons unknown. He was buried in Kensal Green Cemetery.

Trouble in the "golden cage".Jimmy Donahue and the Duchess of Windsor / VIDEO: 'Love in Exile' - The Duke and Duchess of Windsor

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The night that Edward confronted Wallis over her gay lover: After 60 years, secret notes reveal truth about playboy pal
Anne Seagrim kept secret notebooks during her service with the royals
They revealed the Duchess had become bored with her husband
Which led to an affair with an American 19 years her junior

By CHRISTOPHER WILSON FOR MAIL ON SUNDAY
PUBLISHED: 22:32 BST, 20 September 2014 | UPDATED: 11:23 BST, 21 September 2014

The dramatic moment when a devastated Duke of Windsor accused his wife of adultery has been revealed in the previously unseen papers of his former private secretary.

In a scene that undermines the myth that the marriage was ‘the greatest love affair in the world’, the former Edward VIII tearfully told Wallis Simpson, the divorcee for whom he gave up the throne in 1936, to break off her relationship with a wealthy playboy.

The private notebooks of Anne Seagrim, which she kept secretly during her service with the royal couple, offer further evidence that after 13 years of marriage, the Duchess had became bored with her husband, leading to an affair with a young American 19 years her junior, Jimmy Donahue, who until then had been a promiscuous homosexual.

In an undated eyewitness account detailing the moment the ex-king became aware of the affair, Miss Seagrim  wrote: ‘The day that he came back from the [New York] Racquets Club where someone had told him “in his own interests” that the Duchess had  been out every night till dawn with the same young man –  he went to his room and lay  on his bed. She came in and, gaily unknowing, went into  [his room].

‘I heard him choking back  the tears in his voice, telling her what he had heard. I heard him say what he had no doubt rehearsed over and over again – “It’s not because you are the Duchess of Windsor, it’s because you are my wife. Any man would mind his wife  doing this.”

‘His voice wavered. She never said a single word – or at any rate I didn’t hear her voice,  and very soon she came out, all her gaiety gone – walking slowly with her head bent, her face submissive, her eyes blue & bewildered. She gave me a quick glance as she went through my room.

‘She was very quiet and submissive for a long time afterwards. She telephoned immediately cancelling whatever arrangement she had made with the young man.’

And Miss Seagrim says damningly of the Duchess:  ‘She revelled in this shoddy little success.’

The Duchess had started her affair with Donahue aboard  the Queen Mary in May 1950, when she was 54 and he 35, having first met him at his mother’s home in Palm Beach nine years earlier. He was a grandson of the founder of Woolworth’s and led an indolent life after being kicked  out of Choate, the ‘American Eton’, for non-attendance.


The affair continued even after the Duke’s intervention, and came to an end in 1954, when he finally lost patience with his wife’s lover.

Miss Seagrim, who worked  at close quarters with the couple in Paris and New York between 1950 and 1954, wrote in her notebook of the Duchess: ‘She naively always hoped to get away with her affairs – brazened it out when another would have given herself away by seeming guilty.’

She added: ‘[She was] determined to have her fun – but when she realised she had been caught out, she didn’t excuse herself or try to fool him.

‘She was also really [regretful] at having upset him because although I was pretty sure she never felt the same passionate love for him as he did for her, she was very fond of him and had set herself the job of making him happy. But it was a “job”. It wasn’t a reciprocal love on the same scale as his for her.’

The notebooks, stored in a recently opened archive in Churchill College, Cambridge, are particularly revealing because throughout her life Miss Seagrim, who died aged 92 in 2011, publicly maintained her devoted support for  the Windsors.

She wrote: ‘When HRH was happy, he used to call her “Peaches”. Nothing could be further from the truth!’ And of the Duke she observed: ‘Donaldson [Frances Donaldson, one of the Duke’s early biographers] misses the essential point about his character – his fundamental uncertainty about his sexuality & his ability to be a heterosexual man. He was fundamentally afraid of women.’

For four years, as I revealed in my biography Dancing  With the Devil: The Windsors and Jimmy Donahue, the trio were inseparable.

The Duke, who was pathologically worried about money  and happy to allow others to bankroll his expensive lifestyle, knowingly allowed himself  to be cuckolded.

Although rumours often swirled about the Duchess’s relationship with Donahue, his previously homosexual love-life led observers to believe that there was no sexual attraction between them.

After the affair ended, the dynamic between husband  and wife remained unchanged – he needy, she expecting total devotion.


A bejewelled Cartier tiger brooch and matching bracelet which were ordered by the Duke after the affair are being sold  at Christie’s in November and are expected to fetch £1.5 million.

The Cartier tiger brooch the Duke gave his wife after the affair

"The story of the Duke and Duchess of Windsor is one of the most romantic of all time: Edward VIII abdicated his throne and gave up an empire so that he could marry the woman he loved, American divorcee Wallis Simpson. Very few people suspected, and even fewer actually knew, that the Duchess cuckolded him—and almost gave him up—for a gay playboy twenty years her junior.

Blond and slender, Jimmy Donahue was the archetypal post-war playboy. He could fly a plane, speak several languages, play the piano, and tell marvelous jokes. People loved him for his wit, charm and personality. The grandson of millionaire Frank W. Woolworth, Jimmy knew he would never need to work. Instead, he set about carving for himself a career of mischief. Some said evil.

Gay at a time when the homosexual act was still illegal, Jimmy was notorious within America’s upper class, and loved to shock. Though press agents arranged for him to be seen with female escorts, his pursuits, until he met the Duchess of Windsor, were exclusively homosexual. He was thirty-five when he was befriended by the Duke and Duchess of Windsor in 1950. The Duchess was fifty-four, and despite the difference in age, there was an instant attraction. A burgeoning sexual relationship – a perverse sort of love – was formed between Jimmy and the Duchess. Together with the Duke, they became an inseparable trio, the closest of friends. As Jimmy had planned, the royal couple became obsessed with him.

With information from surviving contemporaries, Dancing with the Devil is the extraordinary tale of three remarkable people and their unique and twisted relationship."


Donahue claimed he had had a four-year affair with Wallis, Duchess of Windsor, the wife of the Duke of Windsor, the former King Edward VIII. This claim is endorsed by Lady Pamela Hicks, daughter of Earl Mountbatten of Burma and a cousin of the Duke of Windsor:
(…)”In the summer of 1936, a weekend house party included Wallis Simpson and her husband, along with King Edward VIII. Simpson presented her hostess with a cold chicken from Fortnum & Mason, which everyone thought odd. Mr. Simpson left after only one night, but the others remained, which prompted “a good deal of talking among the adults.” That December, the King renounced his throne for “the woman I love,” to the shock of seven-year-old Pammy. “I was surprised to learn my cousin Lilibet and her sister Margaret Rose would actually have to live in Buckingham Place…. This took some digesting,” Pamela writes.

In later life, Pamela saw quite a bit of the Duke and Duchess of Windsor. “Whenever I was in Paris with my father he’d ring up the Duke: ‘I’ve got Pammy with me,’ he’d say. ‘Would you like us to pop around?’ The Duke would whisper, ‘Oh Dickie, let me see…. Wallis is going to the hairdresser at 2:30. Come at 2:30.’

“The Duke wanted to reminisce about his old regiment, his English past, etc., and that stuff bored Wallis to death,” Pamela explains.

“She was the most marvelous hostess,” Pam admits of the Duchess. “Her houses were perfection. At giving parties and serving food, she was the best.”

But did she have any warmth? “No. She was an American hostess,” is her answer.

“She was hard-hearted,” she continues. “I was shocked that she got this man to give up the throne of England, with the idea that she would devote her life to him. Instead of which, she had Jimmy Donahue [a rich American playboy and heir to the Woolworth fortune]. I remember the Duke being in tears with my father, saying, ‘Wallis is with Jimmy.’ He had no alternative [other] than her.”
In : “Lady Pamela Hicks and her sister, the Countess, knew extreme privilege and epic tragedy.”




Scandalous Love Affairs: Jimmy and the Duchess

Monday, October 4, 2010

"You have no idea how hard it is to live out a great romance." the Duchess of Windsor to a friend.
It was a relationship that baffled and mystified their friends, and entertained their enemies. She was one of the most famous women in the world, one half of 'the love story of the century.' He was a rich, handsome, high school drop-out and mama's boy twenty years younger, and gay. They were an odd couple in many ways but despite their differences, the Duchess of Windsor and Jimmy Donahue kept gossips and high society on both sides of the Atlantic agog as they danced and flirted their way from New York to Palm Beach to Europe. Wallis was so enthralled with her young swain and the lifestyle that he offered her that she actually contemplated leaving the Duke for him.


Jimmy Donahue and the Duchess of Windsor had been introduced in the early 1940's when the Duke and Duchess had traveled to Palm Beach from the Bahamas where the Duke was serving as Governor General. The Duke of Windsor's former Lord-in-Waiting, the Earl of Sefton, suggested her as a hostess to the royal visitors. Jimmy's mother Jessie Woolworth Donahue hoped that rubbing shoulders with the royal couple would boost her own social standing. Although she had inherited millions from her father F.W. Woolworth, she was still considered new money to the old guard of Palm Beach Society. Her marriage to James Donahue, whose family had made their money from fat rendering, hadn't burnished her pedigree.

For their part, the Windsors found America more congenial than Europe where the Duke's indiscret behavior, like his meeting with Hitler in Germany, embarrassed the royal family. Here the Windsor's were treated like royalty. Jessie Donahue was thrilled when the Windsors attended lunches and dinners at her palatial Cielito Lindo in Palm Beach or at her triplex in New York. As a kid Jimmy had dreamed of being the best friend of the Duke of Windsor when he was still the Prince of Wales, and now here he was sitting having tea in his mother's living room. The Windsors were equally impressed by the Donahue's money, houses, servants and lifestyle.

Everything changed in 1950, when the Duke and Duchess decided to take the RMS Queen Mary from New York to Cherbourg. It was a trip they had taken many times before but this time Jimmy Donahue was on board. It was there, on the high seas, that Wallis fell in love with Jimmy. He was an old hand at entertaining older women. His mother had often pulled him out of school to accompany her on her travels. He was a brilliant gossip, prankster and jokester. At the start of the trip, Jimmy and Wallis were just friends; by the time they disembarked they were lovers. He was thirty-four and she was fifty-four. Friends say that Wallis did the chasing, that the idea would never have occurred to Jimmy to pursue the Duchess.

By the time the Duchess and Jimmy fell in love, they were both at a cross roads in their lives. The Duchess was bored and vulnerable. It had been 14 years since the Duke had abdicated the English throne for the 'woman I love' and maintaining the love affair of the century was stifling. The Duke may have once been King of England but now he was just an ordinary man. He was needy and childlike, his love smothering. Their love life was unsatisfying, the Duke not only had a foot fetish but he liked to play 'nanny' games which infantilized him, wearing a diaper, with the Duchess punishing him for his being a 'naughty boy.' When she wasn't in the room, the Duke would visibly wilt. Wallis had also suffered her share of health problems, been diagnosed with cancer, and would soon have to have a hysterectomy. Life seemed to be passing her by; ahead of her was a long, lonely, empty road. Not even making the best-dressed list year after year made up for the slights and snubs from the Royal Family.

Her relationship with Jimmy was a diversion from the empty and meaningless life that she had been leading. He was witty and charming, and despite his sexual inclinations, an intense attraction sprang up between them. Jimmy wasn't raised to have a career; he was raised to be rich which gave him ample time to cater to the Duchesses whims. He was the archetypal postwar playboy; he spoke several languages, could fly a plane, play the piano, and had impeccable manners. He was also mischievous, loving to shock high society with his pranks. For instance, the time he dressed up as a nun, pulled up his habit and squatted in the middle of the road, defecating. And all those grand dinner parties when, according to Aileen Plunket, the Guinness heiress, he'd liven things up by unbuttoning his trousers and laying his private parts on his plate among the potatoes and gravy and sauces, "looking like some pink sausage."

Like Wallis, Jimmy was trapped. In his case, it was his wealth and the Woolworth name. He was the quintessential 'poor little rich boy' Jimmy was kept on a tight leash by his mother Jessie, who alternately smothered and neglected her favorite son. She kept such a tight leash on her money that even after her death Jimmy wouldn’t have inherited the Woolworth millions if he had outlived her. Jimmy often had to borrow money from his wealthier cousin Barbara Hutton to fund his expensive lifestyle.

But Jessie was quite willing to open the purse strings now that Jimmy was close chums with Wallis and the Duke. Jimmy treated Wallis to shopping sprees at Mainbocher and Hattie Carnegie where she bought dresses and hats as if they were going out of style. He encouraged her to acquire a substantial wardrobe of furs, which he paid for. The two would lunch together at the Colony and at Le Pavillion, their heads pressed together as they joked and gossiped. At night the trio would hit El Morocco, the Stork Club and '21 with Jimmy picking up the check. When the three of them went out, it was not uncommon for the Duke to leave Wallis and Jimmy to dance the night away while he went home to bed alone. Jimmy would whisk the couple away on pleasure jaunts, cruising the Mediterranean on a private yacht, treats they would never have been able to afford on their own. There was never a dull moment when he was around. But it wasn't just Jimmy's unlimited expense account that kept Wallis happy. According to biographer Christopher Wilson, Jimmy offered Wallis pleasure in the boudoir like she'd never experienced before which boggles the mind.

At first the Duke was pleased with Jimmy's friendship, they would play golf together, but he soon realized that he was becoming the odd man out in the little trio. When the Duke had to go to England for the deaths of his brother King George VI and his mother The Queen Mary, Wallis and Jimmy painted the town red in his absence. The Duke would place frantic phone calls trying to reach her only to be told that she was unavailable, or worse there was no answer at all. The poor Duke watched helplessly as his wife slipped away from him.

But after the idyll couldn't last. Jimmy was tired of having to address the Duke in a courtly fashion, and Wallis had become too possessive. Behind her back, Jimmy told friends, that on the pillow, her face looked like an old sailor. There was also the matter of the Windsors treating Jimmy and his mother like their own personal cash machine. The Windsors gave little in return other than themselves. On Wallis' side, she began to realize that Jimmy was limited intellectually. She was used to hobnobing with politicians, ambassadors, and generals. Friends also warned her that her association with Jimmy was ruining the couple's already tarnished reputation.

The end came while the trio were in Baden-Baden. Jimmy was bored, the atmosphere in the spa town was too full for him. At dinner that night, Wallis remarked that Jimmy reeked of garlic. Jimmy drunk after an several pre-dinner cocktails saw red. He kicked Wallis in the shin hard enough to bleed under the table. After tending to his wife, the Duke turned to Jimmy and said, "We've had enough of you. Jimmy get out."

With those words four years of friendship went down the tubes. Jessie Donahue was devastated, but the door was shut tightly in the Donahues face. The cold front lasted for almost twelve years. Finally the Windsors consented to attend a lunch with Jessie, and later visited Jimmy's house on Long Island but there was no renewal of the special bond that had existed. The relationship with Jimmy in the end brought the Duke and Duchess closer together. In the end, the Duchess realized that she had made her bed and seemed to finally settle into it.

Jimmy's life drifted on in a never ending quest to stave off the boredom in his life, drifting from relationship to relationship until his death in 1966.

Maria By Callas | VIDEO: Official US Trailer HD (2018)

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‘Maria by Callas’ Charts the Downward Spiral of One of Opera’s Greatest Divas
By James Jorden • 10/02/18 12:29pm

As a general rule, geniuses are misunderstood, even vilified. This phenomenon was certainly true of soprano Maria Callas, whose supernova of a career—barely a decade on the international level—is now revered as a symbol of the most splendid possibilities inherent in the art of opera.

Back during her heyday, though, in the 1950s and early 1960s, Callas achieved household name status not so much as an artist but as a caricature, first as a monster diva who capriciously canceled performances, physically attacked impresarios and, in a pinch, attempted to poison a rival performer. (To be sure, mezzo Giulietta Simionato always swore that Maria could not possibly have known the Coca-Cola bottle contained insecticide.) Later Callas’ name splashed across tabloids as the temptress who was breaking up Jacqueline Onassis’s marriage.

Since Callas’ death in 1977, the pendulum has swung the other way, positing Callas as more sinned against than sinning, and it it upon this now-familiar theme that director Tom Volf has based his documentary Maria by Callas, which had its New York premiere at the Film Society of Lincoln Center’s New Film Festival on Sunday, September 30. What emerges from this handsome but sentimental film is a portrait of the artist in decline, cocooning herself in defensive victimhood.

Ironically for a film about a Greek tragedienne, the qualities that make this film so irresistible also doom it. Volf has shaped his picture around rare newsreel, kinescope footage and home movies of the diva. These materials mostly date from around 1958 or so—the zenith of the singer’s fame but toward the end of her best years as a performer. So the narrative arc focuses on Callas’ fall without much sense of what her rise was all about.

There are exceptions: silent snippets of the opera Norma (generally acknowledged as Callas’ greatest role) from 1953 and 1964 offer glimpses of her fabled intensity in rage and despair. Familiar clips of concert performances are presented in beautifully restored video and especially audio: a “Casta diva” from Paris in 1958 had the film audience in Alice Tully Hall rapt and virtually breathless.

But of the scant video material available, a lot consists of “Film at 11” stuff: Callas emerges from a plane in Paris, in London, in New York; Callas attempts to be civil with aggressive reporters; Callas takes her poodle out for a walk.

Volf also has access to a number of Callas’ letters to her friends and colleagues, but even here the bias is toward the maudlin. At the peak of her career, the star was too busy to keep up with her correspondence, but, later, as she phased out her singing and attempted to negotiate her on-and-off affair with Aristotle Onassis, she was left with a lot of time on her hands. Her insecurity about the future, poor physical health and apparent depression led to her believe she was being persecuted, singled out for unfair treatment. And so she poured out her discontent on writing paper.

In the picture, these letters are read by mezzo-soprano Joyce DiDonato, whose performance, achingly heartfelt and fluent, I think distorts the story slightly. Yes, Maria’s pain was in large part real, but in all her communications, written or verbal, there was always a hint of the histrionic. She presented herself as a downtrodden waif despite enormous privilege: fame, wealth, beauty and more than sufficient talent to excel in any number of artistic ventures. True, by this point she couldn’t sing Norma; but then, who can?

So where Maria by Callas gets rather soggy is in attempting to present the final decade of Callas’ life, falling into the trap of imposing a tragic narrative on what was, as so much of live is, a random series of fairly mundane events. Even if the diva herself tried to make her life into an opera, that’s not really an excuse for Volf to follow her lead.

One home movie, though, rescues the last reel from bathos. We see Callas, a guest in Palm Beach in 1976, alone, reclining beside a swimming pool. She’s barefoot, without makeup, wrapped in a muumuu. Her thick wavy hair is falling loose around her shoulders, and there’s a lot of gray amid the auburn.

As in so many other clips in Maria by Callas, she turns and notices the camera, but this time she doesn’t strike a pose. She doesn’t even take off her glasses. (She was famously vain about that.) For the first time (and the only time I have seen documented) Callas looks like an older woman, a sort of earth mother.

She’s neither happy nor sad, but it’s the only time in the film that she does seem to be at rest. Or is she just tired? This ambiguous image, it seems to me, is the ideal finale for the film: we mortals should never know everything about our goddess.



Maria Callas, 53, is Dead of Heart Attack in Paris
By RAYMOND ERICSONSEPT. 17, 1977
September 17, 1977,



Maria Callas, the soprano whose in tensely dramatic portrayals made her the most exciting opera singer of her time, died of a heart attack yesterday at her home in Paris. She was 53 years old.

Miss Callas had told some friends this summer that she was concerned about her health, but other associates reported that she had been in perfect health and was preparing to write her autobiography for a New York publisher.

She once said, “Wherever I am, it is hectic.” This may even have been an understatement. Controversy, legend and myth surrounded the soprano throughout the major part of her career. Those who admired her felt that she was one of the greatest opera singers of all time, while others believed that her vocal inadequacies precluded any such claim.

Disputes and legal action seemed to arise wherever she sang. Her private life was seldom out of the limelight. Yet thr:re was no denying that it was the magic of her personality that made every move of hers newsworthy.

‘Awesome Stage Projection’

A balanced reactron to Miss Callas's artistry was expressed by Harold C. Schonberg, the music critic of The New York Times, after her return to the Metropolitan Opera in 1965 in the title role of Puccini's “Tosca.”

“If you want brains, an awesome stage projection, intensity and musicianship, Miss Callas can supply those commodities more than any soprano around,” Mr. Schonberg wrote. “But if you look for voice and vocal splendor in your Tosca, Miss Callas is not the one to make you happy.”

Earlier hi the review he had written that “her conception of the role was electrical. Everything at her command waf, pia into striking use. She was a woman in love, a tiger cat, a woman possessed by jealousy.... This was supreme acting, unforgettable acting.”

There is no question that Miss Callas sparked new interest in the largely forgotten bel canto operas of the 19th century. These were the works of Bellini, Donizetti and Rossini, most of which had not keen heard since the era when they were written. They were considered too difficult and too uninteresting musically to be worth reviving. Miss Callas showed that they could be sung, that the melodies and all the embellishments that were thought to be for virtuoso display could be .turned to genuine dramatic use. It opened up a whole new repertory for singers such as Joan Sutherland and Beverly Sills to follow the path set by Miss Callas.

When the soprano was told that she was considered temperamental, her answer was, “I will always be as difficult as‐necessary to achieve the best.” Everyone who worked with her agreed that she.‐was a hard worker, willing to rehearse more than expected, even when a role or a production was not new. Early in her career she sang as many as 16 roles in one season, and she was a quick study. Her own interest in bel canto grew in 1948 in Venice, when she learned the difficult part .of Elvira in Bellini's “I Puritani” in five days in order to substitute for an ailing singer.

Unhappy Manhattan Childhood

Maria Anna Sofia Cecilia Kalogeropoulos was born Dec. 3, 1923 in Manhattan's Flower and Fifth Avenue Hospitals; her Greek parents had arrived in the ‘nited States a few months earlier. Her father was a pharmacist. Years later, in discounting the rumor that she had been born in Brooklyn, Miss Callas said that she remembered living in Upper Manhattan‐ over a drugstore owned by her father. She attended Public School 164 at Wadsworth Avenue and 164th Street in Washington Heights, and by the age of 9 was singing for her schoolmates.

The soprano spoke often of her unhappy childhood, which was marred by the squabbles between her parents and her jealousy of her older sister—Maria was squat, while her sister was attractive and favored by the parents. The family returned to Athens when Maria was 13. She won a scholarship to the Royal Academy of Music, where one of her teachers was Elvira de Hidalgo, a famous Spanish soprano in her day. She remembered Maria as being “square and fat, but she put such force, such sentiment, such wonderful interpretation into all she sang. She would want to sing the most difficult coloraturas, scales and trills. Even as a child her willpower was terrific.”

Before she was 15, the student was singing the dramatic role of Santuzza in Mascagni's “Cavalleria Rusticana.” Four years later she made her official debut with, the Athens Opera.

At the end of World War II, she went back to New York on her own. She auditioned for the Metropolitan Opera, at the time that Edward Johnson was the general manager. She was offered the title roles in Puccini's “Madame Butterfly” an r: Beethoven's “Fidelio.” “Fidelio” was was to have been sung in English. Miss Callas recalled the impossibility of singing Butterfly: “I was then too fat‐210 pounds.” As for “Fidelio”: “Opera in English is so silly. Nobody takes it seriously.” She turned down the offers.

She came close to making her American debut in Chicago with a group of Italian singers, but that fell through for financial reasons. In 1947, she was given a contract to appear in Verona, and she sailed for Italy. She made her debut in the famous Arena in the title role of Ponchielli's “La Gioconda.” Also making his debut in the opera was the late American tenor, Rchard Tucker.

Met Conductor in Verona

In Verona, Miss Callas met one of her most important mentors, the Italian conductor Tullio Serafin. He took her to Venice, where she sang roles that required a dramatic voice, Isolde in the Wagner opera, Turandot in the Puccini opera, even Briinnhilde in Wagner's “Die Walkiire.” In other cities she sang the name parts in Verdi's “Aida” and Bellini's “Norma.”

The natural goal of every opera singer in Italy then, as now, was La Scala in Milan. MiSs Callas sang an Aida there in 1949, but it was not in the regular season. She would not join the company officially until 1951, because already independent minded, she would sing only leading roles in major operas and would not share a percentage of her salary with a powerful artist agency in Milan.

In;ihe early 50's, Miss. Callas sang in a number of rarely heard operas in Italian houses. These included Haydn's “Orfeo ed Euridice,” Gluck's “Alceste” and Cherubini's.“Medea.” She had a notable triumph in the last work, which was staged by Luchino Visconti and conducted by Leonard Bernstein.

She was offered a contract at the Met in 1952 by the general manager, Rudolf Bing,‐but this did not work out because she would not come to New York without her husband, Giovanni Battista Meneghini; who was unable to get a visa.

In this period, she had gained experience ‘land a large measure of success not only in Italy, but also in South America, Mexico and Covent Garden in London. She took off /0 pounds, which left her at a slim 135 pounds. At 5 feet 8 inches tall and with a face made striking by her bload cheekbones, uptilted eyes and large nose, she became one of the handsomest women of the operatic stage.

She finally made her United States debut in 1954, with the Chicago Lyric Opera, in the role of Norma. Two years later, on Oct. 29, she sang the same part for her debut at the Metropolitan Opera. By this time her reputation was such that announcements of her appearances generated long lines outside the box office of the houses where she was to sing. Although critical reactionwas usually mixed because of the individual timbre of Miss Callas's voice and the flaws in her technique, she was ecstatically received for her musicianship, her personal appeal and the originality of her characterizations.

Miss Callas's voice, whicn some critics maintained was man‐made rather than natural, had three sections. At the top it was inclined to be steely, even shrill, and the highest notes were often little more than shrieks. The middle voice could have a covered sound or could be velvety; used at a soft level, it was beautiful. But in the lowest register itt could be edgy again.

Technically, the soprano often did thrilling things with the tonal coloration and with the fioriture, and she could sing a descending chromatic scale dazzlingly But sometimes, too, the voice would not respond smoothly to the demands she made on it.

Having conquered many of the great opera companies of the world, the soprano began to have trouble with them. In Chicago she was served with a lawsuit backstage during a performance, and she said she would never sing there again. She was accused of breaking a contract with the Vienna State Opera over a question of fees. She canceled an engagement with the San Francisco Opera just before the season opened, pleading illness, and the company preferred charges against her with the American Guild of Musical Artists, the singers’ union.

At the gala opening of one season in Rome, she sang the opening act of “Norma” and then refused to go on after that, because of laryngitis. At the Met, she quarreled with Mi. Bing over a matter of dates and repertory, and he canceled their contract. She did not show up for scheduled performances at the Edinburgh Festival and at Athens.

All these actions made headlines, and Miss Callas earned a reputation for temperamental behavior. She had an answer to these charges, in most cases explaining that she would not sing unless she or performing conditions were at their best, and this was the reason for her walking out on performances or contracts. “To me, the art of music is magnificent, and I cannot bear to see it treated in a shabby way,” she said in a Life magazine interview in 1959. “When it is respected and when the artists who serve it are respected, I will work hard and always give my best . . . I do not want to be associated with inferior staging, taste, conducting or singing.”

Valuable Artist and Attraction

In fact, most of the feuds were patched up, and Miss Callas returned to sing with the various companies again. She was considered too valuable an artist and too great a box‐office attraction to ignore.

As Mr. Bing said of Miss Callas yesterday after he heard of her death: “I was privileged to bring her to the Met and I am proud of that. She was a difficult artist, as many are, but she was one of the greatest artists of her time. We will not see her like again.”

In fact, Miss Callas, was re‐engaged by the Met in 1965 to sing Tosca, and these became her last public opera performances.

In subsequent years, the soprano would make announcements from time to time that she was considering singing somewhere, causing a flurry of excitement in the music world. But no performances materialized. In 1971. she went to the Juilliard School to give a series of 12 master classes. These were iammed with auditors, many of them coming from out of New York City, and Miss Callas was credited with exceptional success in her teaching.

Went on Worldwide Tour in ‘73

In 1973, she and her close friend, the tenor Giuseppe di Stefano, tried their hand at staging opera. They directed a production of Verdi's “I Vespri Siciliani” in Turin, but in’ the view of the critics, the results were disastrous.

That same year, they decided to make a worldwide concert tour. It began in Hamburg, West Germany, in October, and the singers appeared at Carnegie Hall in two programs in February 1974. The audience was almost hysterical in its adulation, but the critics lamented that there was not much left of Miss Callas's voice, even if her interpretations remained unexcelled. When the tour ended, it represented the soprano's last singing in public. She did, however, continue to add to her extensive list of recordings.

When she married Mr. Meneghini, 20 years her senior, in 1949, the Italian building‐materials tycoon rave her security and, it was said at first, affection. She called herself professionally Maria Meneghini Callas, and he became her manager and agent. They were separated in 1959 after she had become romantically involved with Aristotle Onassis, the Greek shipping magnate. The marriage with Mr. Meneghini, was annulled six years later.

The public eagerly followed the relationship between the singer and the entrepreneur, particularly after it was learned that Mr. Onassis had given her controlling stock in a $3 million freighter.

They had apartments near each other in Paris. When Mr. Onassis married Jacqueline Kennedy, attempts were made to have Miss Callas comment on a supposed rebuff. The singer said little about it except that she and Mr. Onassis were still good friends.

The singer was also known for the bitterness with which she spoke of her family. “There is no communication between my family and me,” she said in 1971. “I know my mother wrote a book about me, but I never read it.”

She also broke with her musical mentor, Mr. Serafin, ostensibly because the conductor chose another soprano for a recording that she had expected to make with him.

A celebrated feud between Miss Callas and Renata Tebaldi, who was her contemporary, was kept alive in the press and by the fans of the respective soparsons. They were rival singers at La Scala at one time, and it was reported that they avoided each other backstage. Miss Tebaldi refused to attend Miss Callas's performances, while Miss Callas went, with some ostentation, to those of the other soprano. Gossip writers hinted that she did so in order to make Miss Tebaldi nervous.

In 1968, Miss Callas attended the Met's opening performance, in which Miss Tebaldi was singing the title role of Cilea's “Adriana Lecouvreur.” Afterward, the two singers met backstage and this time embraced each other.

In recent years, Miss Callas's name had been steadily linked with that of Mr. di Stefano. They had frequently sung on stage and in recordings together in the earlier stages of their careers.

Miss Callas made a film based on Euripides's “Medea,” which was released here in 1971. it was written and'directed by the late Pier Paolo Pasolini.

Leonard Bernstein, the conductor, on being informed of Miss Callas's death, said yesterday, “Besides being a cherished friend, she was for me the uniquely great singer of bel canto in the mid‐20th century and has for some years been irreplaceable.”

Dario Soria, former head of Angel Rec ords, the label on which Miss Callas's recordings have been issued in this country, and now director of the Metropolitan Opera Guild, had remained a steadfast friend. He said yesterday that he had talked by phone to the singer last summer, and that she sounded remote in spirit. In response to a query as to what she was doing, she told him in a flat voice, “Nothing.” “Without being able to perform,” Mr. Soria said, “she apparently had nothing left to live for.”

Mr. Soria also summed up Miss Callas's career succinctly: “As a singer, she was responsible for the revival of bel canto. As an actress, she made the stage exciting theater. As a personality, she had the kind of magic that makes news. I think she'll be remembered as one of the greatest opera singers of all times.”

The New York Times/Larry Morris


The New Yorker's Dandy Mascot, Eustace Tilley

The New Yorker, Eustace Tilley and much more ...

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Eustace Tilley


The magazine's first cover illustration, a dandy peering at a butterfly through a monocle, was drawn by Rea Irvin, the magazine's first art editor, based on an 1834 caricature of the then Count d'Orsay which appeared as an illustration in the 11th edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica.[46] The gentleman on the original cover, now referred to as "Eustace Tilley", is a character created by Corey Ford for The New Yorker. The hero of a series entitled "The Making of a Magazine", which began on the inside front cover of the August 8 issue that first summer, Tilley was a younger man than the figure on the original cover. His top hat was of a newer style, without the curved brim. He wore a morning coat and striped trousers. Ford borrowed Eustace Tilley's last name from an aunt—he had always found it vaguely humorous. "Eustace" was selected by Ford for euphony.

The character has become a kind of mascot for The New Yorker, frequently appearing in its pages and on promotional materials. Traditionally, Rea Irvin's original Tilley cover illustration is used every year on the issue closest to the anniversary date of February 21, though on several occasions a newly drawn variation has been substituted.



The magazine is well known for its illustrated and often topical covers.
Saul Steinberg's "View of the World from Ninth Avenue" cover

Saul Steinberg created 85 covers and 642 internal drawings and illustrations for the magazine. His most famous work is probably its March 29, 1976 cover, an illustration most often referred to as "View of the World from 9th Avenue", sometimes referred to as "A Parochial New Yorker's View of the World" or "A New Yorker's View of the World", which depicts a map of the world as seen by self-absorbed New Yorkers.


The illustration is split in two, with the bottom half of the image showing Manhattan's 9th Avenue, 10th Avenue, and the Hudson River (appropriately labeled), and the top half depicting the rest of the world. The rest of the United States is the size of the three New York City blocks and is drawn as a square, with a thin brown strip along the Hudson representing "Jersey", the names of five cities (Los Angeles; Washington, D.C.; Las Vegas; Kansas City; and Chicago) and three states (Texas, Utah, and Nebraska) scattered among a few rocks for the United States beyond New Jersey. The Pacific Ocean, perhaps half again as wide as the Hudson, separates the United States from three flattened land masses labeled China, Japan and Russia.

The illustration—humorously depicting New Yorkers' self-image of their place in the world, or perhaps outsiders' view of New Yorkers' self-image—inspired many similar works, including the poster for the 1984 film Moscow on the Hudson; that movie poster led to a lawsuit, Steinberg v. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc., 663 F. Supp. 706 (S.D.N.Y. 1987), which held that Columbia Pictures violated the copyright that Steinberg held on his work.

The cover was later satirized by Barry Blitt for the cover of The New Yorker on October 6, 2008. The cover featured Sarah Palin looking out of her window seeing only Alaska, with Russia in the far background.

The March 21, 2009 cover of The Economist, "How China sees the World", is also an homage to the original image, but depicting the viewpoint from Beijing's Chang'an Avenue instead of Manhattan.



 The New Yorker is an American magazine of reportage, commentary, criticism, essays, fiction, satire, cartoons, and poetry. It is published by Condé Nast. Started as a weekly in 1925, the magazine is now published 47 times annually, with five of these issues covering two-week spans.

Although its reviews and events listings often focus on the cultural life of New York City, The New Yorker has a wide audience outside New York and is read internationally. It is well known for its illustrated and often topical covers, its commentaries on popular culture and eccentric Americana, its attention to modern fiction by the inclusion of short stories and literary reviews, its rigorous fact checking and copy editing, its journalism on politics and social issues, and its single-panel cartoons sprinkled throughout each issue.

The New Yorker debuted on February 21, 1925. It was founded by Harold Ross and his wife, Jane Grant, a New York Times reporter. Ross wanted to create a sophisticated humor magazine that would be different from perceivably "corny" humor publications such as Judge, where he had worked, or the old Life. Ross partnered with entrepreneur Raoul H. Fleischmann (who founded the General Baking Company to establish the F-R Publishing Company. The magazine's first offices were at 25 West 45th Street in Manhattan. Ross edited the magazine until his death in 1951. During the early, occasionally precarious years of its existence, the magazine prided itself on its cosmopolitan sophistication. Ross famously declared in a 1925 prospectus for the magazine: "It has announced that it is not edited for the old lady in Dubuque."

Although the magazine never lost its touches of humor, it soon established itself as a pre-eminent forum for serious fiction, essays and journalism. Shortly after the end of World War II, John Hersey's essay Hiroshima filled an entire issue. In subsequent decades the magazine published short stories by many of the most respected writers of the 20th and 21st centuries, including Ann Beattie, Truman Capote, John Cheever, Roald Dahl, Mavis Gallant, Geoffrey Hellman, John McNulty, Joseph Mitchell, Alice Munro, Haruki Murakami, Vladimir Nabokov, John O'Hara, Dorothy Parker, Philip Roth, J. D. Salinger, Irwin Shaw, James Thurber, John Updike, Eudora Welty, Stephen King, and E. B. White. Publication of Shirley Jackson's "The Lottery" drew more mail than any other story in the magazine's history.

In its early decades, the magazine sometimes published two or even three short stories a week, but in recent years the pace has remained steady at one story per issue. While some styles and themes recur more often than others in its fiction, the stories are marked less by uniformity than by variety, and they have ranged from Updike's introspective domestic narratives to the surrealism of Donald Barthelme, and from parochial accounts of the lives of neurotic New Yorkers to stories set in a wide range of locations and eras and translated from many languages.[citation needed] Kurt Vonnegut said that The New Yorker has been an effective instrument for getting a large audience to appreciate modern literature. Vonnegut's 1974 interview with Joe David Bellamy and John Casey contained a discussion of The New Yorker's influence:

[T]he limiting factor [in literature] is the reader. No other art requires the audience to be a performer. You have to count on the reader's being a good performer, and you may write music which he absolutely can't perform – in which case it's a bust. Those writers you mentioned and myself are teaching an audience how to play this kind of music in their heads. It's a learning process, and The New Yorker has been a very good institution of the sort needed. They have a captive audience, and they come out every week, and people finally catch on to Barthelme, for instance, and are able to perform that sort of thing in their heads and enjoy it.

The non-fiction feature articles (which usually make up the bulk of the magazine's content) cover an eclectic array of topics. Recent subjects have included eccentric evangelist Creflo Dollar, the different ways in which humans perceive the passage of time, and Münchausen syndrome by proxy.

The magazine is notable for its editorial traditions. Under the rubric Profiles, it publishes articles about notable people such as Ernest Hemingway, Henry R. Luce and Marlon Brando, Hollywood restaurateur Michael Romanoff, magician Ricky Jay and mathematicians David and Gregory Chudnovsky. Other enduring features have been "Goings on About Town", a listing of cultural and entertainment events in New York, and "The Talk of the Town", a miscellany of brief pieces—frequently humorous, whimsical or eccentric vignettes of life in New York—written in a breezily light style, or feuilleton, although in recent years the section often begins with a serious commentary. For many years, newspaper snippets containing amusing errors, unintended meanings or badly mixed metaphors have been used as filler items, accompanied by a witty retort. There is no masthead listing the editors and staff. And despite some changes, the magazine has kept much of its traditional appearance over the decades in typography, layout, covers and artwork. The magazine was acquired by Advance Publications, the media company owned by Samuel Irving Newhouse Jr, in 1985, for $200 million when it was earning less than $6 million a year.

Ross was succeeded as editor by William Shawn (1951–87), followed by Robert Gottlieb (1987–92) and Tina Brown (1992–98). Among the important nonfiction authors who began writing for the magazine during Shawn's editorship were Dwight Macdonald, Kenneth Tynan, and Hannah Arendt; to a certain extent all three authors were controversial, Arendt the most obviously so (her Eichmann in Jerusalem reportage appeared in the magazine before it was published as a book), but in each case Shawn proved an active champion.

Brown's nearly six-year tenure attracted more controversy than Gottlieb's or even Shawn's, thanks to her high profile (Shawn, by contrast, had been an extremely shy, introverted figure) and the changes which she made to a magazine that had retained a similar look and feel for the previous half-century. She introduced color to the editorial pages (several years before The New York Times) and photography, with less type on each page and a generally more modern layout. More substantively, she increased the coverage of current events and hot topics such as celebrities and business tycoons, and placed short pieces throughout "Goings on About Town", including a racy column about nightlife in Manhattan. A new letters-to-the-editor page and the addition of authors' bylines to their "Talk of the Town" pieces had the effect of making the magazine more personal. The current editor of The New Yorker is David Remnick, who succeeded Brown in July 1998.

Tom Wolfe wrote about the magazine: "The New Yorker style was one of leisurely meandering understatement, droll when in the humorous mode, tautological and litotical when in the serious mode, constantly amplified, qualified, adumbrated upon, nuanced and renuanced, until the magazine's pale-gray pages became High Baroque triumphs of the relative clause and appository modifier".

Joseph Rosenblum, reviewing Ben Yagoda's About Town, a history of the magazine from 1925 to 1985, wrote, "... The New Yorker did create its own universe. As one longtime reader wrote to Yagoda, this was a place 'where Peter DeVries ...  was forever lifting a glass of Piesporter, where Niccolò Tucci (in a plum velvet dinner jacket) flirted in Italian with Muriel Spark, where Nabokov sipped tawny port from a prismatic goblet (while a Red Admirable perched on his pinky), and where John Updike tripped over the master's Swiss shoes, excusing himself charmingly'".

As far back as the 1940s the magazine's commitment to fact-checking was already well known.Yet the magazine played a role in a literary scandal and defamation lawsuit over two 1990s articles by Janet Malcolm, who wrote about Sigmund Freud's legacy. Questions were raised about the magazine's fact-checking process. As of 2010, The New Yorker employs 16 fact checkers. In July 2011, the magazine was sued for defamation in United States district court for a July 12, 2010 article written by David Grann, but the case was summarily dismissed.

Since the late 1990s, The New Yorker has used the Internet to publish current and archived material. It maintains a website with some content from the current issue (plus exclusive web-only content). Subscribers have access to the full current issue online, as well as a complete archive of back issues viewable as they were originally printed. In addition, The New Yorker's cartoons are available for purchase online. A digital archive of back issues from 1925 to April 2008 (representing more than 4,000 issues and half a million pages) has also been issued on DVD-ROMs and on a small portable hard drive. More recently, an iPad version of the current issue of the magazine has been released.

In its November 1, 2004 issue, the magazine for the first time endorsed a presidential candidate, choosing to endorse Democrat John Kerry over incumbent Republican George W. Bush. This was continued in 2008 when the magazine endorsed Barack Obama over John McCain,in 2012 when it endorsed Obama over Mitt Romney, and in 2016 when it endorsed Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump.


The True History of Eustace Tilley
BY R.C. HARVEY AUG 31, 2017

Alfred D’Orsay was not the sort of fellow I’d invite into my home for a drink, dinner, and deep philosophical conversation in the Hare Tonic Library over a vintage bandy. Reading between the lines of even a short biography (such as St. Wikipedia’s), we learn that Comte d’Orsay, while an amateur painter and sculptor of modest attainment, was a calculating social climber and parasite of somewhat more conspicuous success. He was the sort of fellow who would make off with his host’s wife. And in fact, that’s exactly what he did—with an eye on both her charms and her fortune.

Born in Paris in 1801, son of a Bonapartist general and the illegitimate daughter of a duke and an adventuress, D’Orsay entered the French army of the restored Bourbon monarchy at the age of 20 and while in London attending the coronation of George IV, he became acquainted with the first Earl of Blessington and his wife Marguerite, reputedly forming a menage a trois, which may account for at least some of his attraction for George Gordon, Lord Byron, who was rumored to have indulged in a similarly illicit affair with his half sister, Augusta. Byron praised Comte d’Orsay’s “gifts and accomplishments” and his knowledge of men and manners and his prowess of observation. And probably envied the count’s domestic arrangements.

At 26, D’Orsay married Blessington’s 15-year-old daughter Harriet by a previous wife, hoping to secure a claim to the Blessington estate, but when Blessington died two years later, his widow took up with D’Orsay, and the two of them established a fashionable salon for the literary and artistic society of London. Meanwhile, Harriet, finally having had enough after a decade of decadence, separated from D’Orsay in 1838, effecting a settlement in which, in exchange for her paying off 100,000 pounds of his debt (about $150,000 at today’s exchange rate, but only a portion of what he owed), he gave up any claim to the Blessington fortune.

At his salon, D’Orsay met Benjamin Disraeli and Edward Bulwer-Lyton, other young dandies of the day, and they became such friends that Disraeli asked him to be his second when it appeared he would fight a duel with the son of an Irish agitator. D’Orsay, however, declined the dubious honor on the grounds of being a foreigner.

Comte d’Orsay went bankrupt in 1849 and returned to Paris; the widow Blessington (Marguerite), after selling all her possessions, followed him there but died a few weeks later, leaving him heartbroken and without means. He dabbled in portrait painting, but as a Bonapartist, he probably banked on his acquaintance with Prince Louis Napoleon, who had been elected President of France in 1848, subsequently, in 1852, through a coup d’etat, establishing himself as Emperor Napoleon III. Leery of D’Orsay’s dependability, Napoleon appointed the count to the harmless post of Director of the Beaux-Arts, but D’Orsay died of a spinal infection just a few days after the appointment was announced.

In his day, D’Orsay was a model of men’s fashion but scarcely a model of decorum and propriety. With his appetites and indulgences, he may, however, have been right at home in New York’s Roaring Twenties. In fact, by a circuitous route, he was exactly that. Which brings us, by the sort of oblique roundabout manner of the writers of articles in The New Yorker, to Eustace Tilley, the actual subject of this posting.

Eustace Tilley is the name given to the 19th century boulevardier languidly inspecting a passing butterfly through his monocle on the cover of the first issue of The New Yorker dated February 21, 1925. The same picture appeared on the magazine’s anniversary issue every year until 1994, when a new editor at The New Yorker, Tina Brown, suddenly violated hide-bound tradition by replacing Tilley with a 20th century version of the boulevardier, a chronic slacker and layabout drawn by Robert Crumb.  Nothing was ever the same at The New Yorker since.

Crumb’s drawing arrived at the magazine without explanation, said art director Francoise Mouly. “We noticed that it showed the view in front of our old offices on 42nd Street, but we didn’t realize that it was also a play on Eustace Tilley.” Understanding that the picture was a parody of Eustace Tilley, Brown seized upon it as a way of breaking a 69-year logjam: she put Crumb’s Tilley, subsequently christened Elvis Tilley, on the cover of that year’s anniversary issue.

As Lee Lorenz, one-time cartoon editor at the magazine told me, Eustace Tilley appeared on the cover of the anniversary issue because no one could think of an appropriate alternative. So year after year, Eustace Tilley returned. Without too much difficulty, we can see how this custom had become a habit. It was Harold Ross’s fault.

Without question, Harold Ross was the world's most unlikely candidate for editor-founder of the nation's most sophisticated magazine of humor and urbanity. A frontier kid with only a tenth-grade education, he was born November 6, 1892, in Aspen, Colorado, then a mining camp, not a ski resort or a hideaway for Hollywood celebrities. The Ross family moved around to some small Colorado towns, and then to Salt Lake City, where Harold attended high school but never graduated; he quit school after his sophomore year and went into newspapers. In high school, he’d worked on the school paper, The Red and Black.

There, he met the other Salt Laker who would influence cartooning in America—a teenage artist three years older than he, John Held, Jr., who was born and raised in Salt Lake City.



They became friends and both were stringers for the Salt Lake Tribune while in school, and they were sometimes sent to the Stockade, the old redlight district, to interview such stellar attractions as Ada Wilson, Belle London, and Helen Blazes.

When Ross left Salt Lake City as a teenager, he became a slovenly tramp newspaperman who spend his years before World War I roving from one newspaper to another, a common type in those years. By the time he was 25, he had worked for at least seven papers around the country; then he joined the American Expeditionary Force attacking the Hun in Europe.

During the War, he worked on Stars and Stripes, the armed forces newspaper, where he was nominally managing editor. The staff was a convivial crew, and after the War, they all landed in New York; there, Ross was encouraged to launch, after a false start or two editing other magazines, The New Yorker. The magazine struggled in fiscal red ink for years, but Ross never wavered in pursuit of his vision.

Ross remained throughout his life the same contradictory sort—a rowdy, gangly, mussed-up hick-looking wight with electric hair (a sort of brush cut standing on its ends), Hapsburg lower lip, gap-toothed grin, a droll sense of humor, and a profane vocabulary. In both his uncouth eccentricity and sheer doggedness, Ross was without equal in American journalism.  He was also very, very lucky.

Ross knew what he wanted The New Yorker to be, but he couldn’t articulate his vision in order to guide his writers and cartoonists. So they all fumbled around for several months and a couple years until something started to gel. Eustace Tilley was one of Ross’s first fumbles. And it turned out to be a very lucky fumble.

By mid-February 1925, the first issue of The New Yorker was ready to go to the printer. But it lacked a cover. “Ross toyed with various concepts for this crucial first cover,” said Ross’s biographer, David Kunkel in Genius in Disguise, “and he asked several artists to work up sketches on what amounted to a dreadful visual cliche, a curtain going up on Manhattan. What he got back was predictably static and maddeningly literal.”

At the last minute, Ross turned, luckily, to his art editor, Rea Irvin.

Irvin was born August 26, 1881, in San Francisco, California, to which his parents had journeyed by covered wagon in the 1850s. Although Irvin attended Hopkins Art Institute in San Francisco, he also entertained the idea of a career in acting, which he pursued briefly beginning in 1903. He then served in the art departments of several newspapers, including the Honolulu Advertiser, but eventually, he moved to New York, and by the 1920s he had achieved a good measure of success as a newspaper and magazine cartoonist, becoming art editor of the venerable humor magazine Life. His thespian inclinations remained, however, finding expression in his theatrical manner of attire and in his demeanor, which radiated the stage presence of an accomplished actor. A lumbering bear of a man albeit soft-spoken, he was a familiar figure at both the Players Club and the Dutch Treat Club.

As Ross refined his plans for The New Yorker in the latter months of 1924, he enlisted Irvin to help with the art chores. Irvin, who had just been replaced as art editor at Life, had a flourishing freelance art business, but he agreed to serve as "art consultant" (Ross eschewed formal titles), stipulating that he could afford to give only one day a week to the task, for which he was paid $75 and shares of the magazine’s stock.

The day that Irvin gave to the magazine every week was the day he helped Ross select the cartoons for the next issue. The "art meeting" was "one of the great New Yorker institutions," according to Russell Maloney, a member of the staff for many years who, in the August 30, 1947 issue of The Saturday Review of Literature, described the process, "hardly changed by the passage of the years," by which the cartoons are selected.

"The art meeting has always been attended by Ross and Irvin, the first art editor. The current art editor attends; so does one of the fiction editors; Mrs. White does if she is in town. [She's E.B. White's wife, who was Katharine Angell when she started editing fiction and poetry shortly after the magazine began.] These people sit four abreast at a conference table, while the [cartoons], one after another, are laid on an easel in front of them. At each of the four places at the table is a pad, pencil, ashtray, and knitting needle. The knitting needle is for pointing at faulty details in pictures. Ross rejects pictures firmly and rapidly, perhaps one every ten seconds. 'Nah ... nah ... nah.' A really bad picture wrings from him the exclamation 'Buckwheat!'—a practical compromise between the violence of his feelings and the restraint he feels in the presence of Mrs. White or a lady secretary [taking notes on the proceedings]. 'Who's talking?' he will ask occasionally; this means that the drawing will get sent back to the artist to have the speaker's mouth opened wide. Now and then Ross gets lost in the intricacies of perspective. 'Where am I supposed to be?' he will unhappily inquire, gazing into the picture. If nobody can say exactly where Ross is supposed to be, out the picture goes."

Irvin's taste in art was expansive: he liked classic and modern art, he was sympathetic to anything new, and he knew good craftsmanship when he saw it. Moreover, he was articulate about art: he could tell artists specifically what to do to improve their work and to make it acceptable to the magazine. When a drawing amused him during the art conference, he chuckled; and he often gave little lectures on art appreciation. Irvin's presence and his manner undoubtedly educated Ross in the subtleties of cartooning, refining the editor's taste and raising his standards.

In his 1959 book, The Years with Ross, James Thurber, assessing Irvin's contribution to the magazine, says unequivocally that Irvin "did more to develop the style and excellence of New Yorker drawings and covers than anyone else, and was the main and shining reason that the magazine's comic art in the first two years was far superior to its humorous prose."

In her Defining New Yorker Humor, Judith Yaross Lee agrees that Irvin was essential: noting his "taste for ironically related images and text," she goes on to say that "what is often called the 'New Yorker cartoon' deserves to be called 'the Irvin cartoon.'"

Since The New Yorker style of cartoon set the pace for American magazine cartooning since the early 1930s, Irvin looms large in the history of the medium as a major influence. In fact, he might even be said to be the "father" of modern magazine gag cartooning.

In turning to Irvin for the magazine’s first cover, Ross asked for a picture that “would make the subscribers feel that we’ve been in business for years and know our way around,” said Dale Kramer in Ross and the New Yorker—“anything that might suggest sophistication and gaiety,” added Kunkel. Over the months of preparation for The New Yorker’s debut, Irvin had  prepared the layout for the first issue and designed the distinctive typeface for the magazine, modifying a face developed by Carl Purington Rollins. He also drew most of the department headings, including, for the first section of the magazine (called, initially, Of All Things, it was soon dubbed Talk of the Town), a monocled Regency-era scribe in a high collar with his nose in the air. The same personage is shown gazing through his monocle at an assortment of thespian caricatures for the Theatre department. 



About the owl: I have no idea why an owl figures so importantly in all of the Talk of the Town headings. Is it intended to suggest a “night owl,” a creature of the evening and wee hours, haunting speakeasys and saloons? Whatever—whoever (“who, who”?)—the owl has been as faithful an attendant at The New Yorker as Irvin’s dandy; he’s there even today, winking at us conspiratorially.

In waiting until the last possible minute before enlisting Irvin for one more try at a cover illustration (he’d already done one of the lifeless curtain raisers), Ross hadn’t given his art editor much time. Desperate, Irvin went back to his files for the pictures that had inspired the 19th century dandy that headed two of the magazine’s departments. Since the character appeared twice in the first issue already, why not on the cover too? Irvin might have settled for something similar to the cover he drew for Life the previous fall, instead he turned again to an 1834 caricature of the Comte Alfred d’Orsay at the height of his stylish influence (bringing us, in the manner of New Yorker writers, back again to the otherwise wholly superfluous, but tenuously, slyly, pertinent paragraphs of our opening gambit).

Irvin again added a monocle to signify supercilious intellect and, this time, a butterfly for whimsey, producing an elegant emblem of insouciant detachment.      




(This incarnation of D’Orsay seems harmless enough that we might invite him to dinner—only to discover, doubtless, that his conversation was so vacuous that we could tolerate his company only once a year.)

Irvin’s picture was perfect. The perfect portrait of a seeming sophisticated man-about-town who is so vapidly empty-headed as to find a fluttering insect an object worthy of minute inspection. What prospective first-time reader-buyers thought of this incongruous picture when they saw it on the newsstand, we can’t, with authority, say. Certainly they knew nothing about the Comte d’Orsay or his vaguely shady but entirely extraneous machinations of the previous century, so they were no doubt baffled by the image of a man dressed in the height of 19th century fashion covering what purported to be a magazine of contemporary jazz age sophistication and wit.

But what they thought, at this last minute of preparing the first issue for the printer, was, like everything we now know about Comte d’Orsay, irrelevant. Ross, knowing nothing of d’Orsay, loved the drawing. Despite the time-warped attire, Irvin’s picture of a would-be sophisticate gently ridiculed the very people the magazine aimed to appeal to, embodying exactly Ross’s intention. Irvin’s dandy set the tone and intent for everything that followed—within the first issue and all subsequent issues.

Ross always said Irvin’s cover was the best thing in the first issue. It was so apt an emblem for the magazine that no one could ever think of a suitable sequel to use for the ensuing anniversary issues. In fact, until the first anniversary issue, probably no one had given any thought to anniversary issues. That the magazine had survived a year since its debut, running deeply into the red, was miraculous, so to celebrate the miracle, Ross and his cohorts no doubt decided to repeat the cover image of the first issue as a gesture of defiant triumph—“Look at me! I’m still here, snooty and distant as ever.”

Perhaps for substantially the same reason, Ross repeated the cover again on The New Yorker’s second anniversary and then the third, by which time, the magazine was running a little in the black. The habit was formed. Thereafter, Ross ran the same cover every year on the last issue in February. And until the advent of Tina Brown, Ross's successors did the same in honor of the founder (and of Irvin). So Irvin's haughty dandy, anachronistically attired in top hat and high collar, graced the cover of America’s most urbane weekly magazine once a year for nearly 70 years. And he continued to appear inside every issue of the magazine in the heading for the opening section, Talk of the Town. Still does.

But Irvin’s Regency dude didn’t get a name until he was almost six months old.  In the summer of 1925, Ross had another of his routine fits of exasperation—this time, about “the goddam inside cover” of the magazine, which was “embarrassingly empty of advertising” as Judy Yaross Lee puts it. So he asked humorist Corey Ford to fill the page with comical subscription promotions for the magazine.

Ford would become an occasional diner at the famed “round table” lunches of writers, actors, critics and other wits (among them, Robert Benchley, Dorothy Parker, Alexander Woollcott, cartoonist Ralph Barton and, often, Ross) that were held daily through the 1920s at Manhattan’s Algonquin Hotel just a block away from The New Yorker’s offices.

“Although Ross was liked by the Round Table group,” Ford wrote in his 1967 memoir, The Time of Laughter, “its members did not take him seriously, and his raffish face and gawky manner made him the butt of continual ‘joshing’ as he called it. Woollcott [another fugitive from the WWI Stars and Stripes, who, with Ross and his wife and a fourth cohort, co-owned the midtown apartment they all lived in], considered Ross his personal protégé and described him as ‘a dishonest Abe Lincoln.’”

Ross may have been ribbed for his country-boy appearance and demeanor, but he regularly moved in celebrity circles. The apartment he lived in was designed by its tenants who remodeled it, connecting two adjoining brownhouses, and it became a gathering place for artists and literary types, including such dignitaries as George Gershwin, Edna St. Vincent Millay, F. Scott Fitzgerald, Irving Berlin, Dorothy Parker and Harpo Marx

Ford, who would soon make his way into this exalted company, was born and raised in New York City and had just graduated from Columbia where he edited the campus humor magazine, Jester. He would eventually author 30 books and over 500 magazine articles, mostly humorous, but in 1924, he was peddling his comedy around town to humor magazines like the old Life and Judge. At the latter, he met and grew to like Ross, who was then enduring his brief frustrating tenure as that magazine’s editor.

In his memoir, Ford confessed that “it is hard to say what inspired my immediate confidence in Ross. He looked like a bucolic bumpkin, his features plain to the point of being homely, his big hands flailing in all directions to bolster his inarticulate speech. Often he would leave a sentence unfinished, and fling both arms aloft in utter futility. He was always perched on the edge of his chair ready to leap up and start pacing the room in restless pursuit of an idea. Even when standing in one spot, he managed to remain in motion, jangling a pocketful of keys and loose change or stabbing the air with a forefinger or banging the desk as his voice rose to a squawk.

“Ross seldom laughed aloud. If something amused him, his upper body heaved spasmodically a couple of times, and his heavy lips parted in a broad silent grin, showing large teeth with a gap in the center. He wore his coarse brown hair brushed upright to a height of three inches; and now and then, when he was embarrassed or frustrated, he would rub a hand across his face and comb his fingers back through the thatch of hair in one prolonged gesture of confusion, or explode with a heartfelt ‘Jesus!’ and then grin at his own ineptness.

“His language was a curious admixture of roundhouse oaths and bits of antiquated slang which dated back to my earliest childhood—bughouse, spooning, stuck on her, sis.  After a tirade, his mobile face would light with sheepish amusement and he would sigh, ‘God, how I pity me.’

“It was his balancing sense of humor about himself, I think, that made him a great editor, another of the half-dozen greatest I’ve known. ‘All right, Ford,’ he would conclude an interview with me, waving a limp hand in dismissal, ‘God bless you.’”

In picking him to fill the hole on the inside cover, Ford said Ross was recalling a “random series” Ford did “on the Fugitive Art of Manhattan—beards and moustaches on subway ads, chalked sketches on brick walls, doodles on Wall Street blotters, and the like. In his impulsive way, he called me into his office and began jangling coins and pacing the floor. Could I do a series of promotion ads to fill the goddam inside cover. Have the first one by tomorrow? Done and done. God bless you.”

Irvin suggested to Ford that he use the inside cover to parody the kind of burlesque in-house testimonial that Vanity Fair was then running. Ford obligingly produced twenty-one “chapters” (including an unnumbered Introduction) in an epic entitled “The Making of a Magazine.” Each chapter delved into some arcane aspect of the magazine’s production: beginning with “Securing Paper for The New Yorker,” Ford discussed in exhaustive pseudo-scientific detail how paper is made from wood and from rags, how ink is obtained from squids, how type is “mined” deep underground, how the pages are bound together, how punctuation marks are cultivated, how contributors are nurtured, and so on.




Before getting into these mechanics of magazine production, Ford assembled some statistics (“the Funny Little Things”) testifying to the immensity of The New Yorker’s circulation.

“Here it is Friday,” he commences, “and at a rough estimate, there have been probably thirty or eighty millions of people who have bought The New Yorker since last night; and the returns from Maine are not due till tomorrow. This means that if you add all these figures together and multiply them by the number you just thought of, then the card there in your hand is the eight of clubs.”

At the time, the circulation of Ross’s brain child was minuscule, scarcely between “thirty or eighty” (which?) millions.

Not content with perpetrating a paragraph of this ludicrous nonsense, Ford forges  on: “Perhaps the following illustration may serve to bring home to the average mind the magnitude of these figures: first, conceive in your mind’s eye the entire population of New York, New Haven, Hartford and a fourth city about the size of Pittsburgh (let us say, Pittsburgh), and picture them arranged kneeling side by side single file in a long line, all blindfolded and holding in their hands the combined output of the New York Times, the Saturday Evening Post, and Dr. Frank Crane. Now suppose that someone were to sneak up and give the first man in line a sudden shove. Why, over they all would go like so many nine-pins, and wouldn’t it be fun though?”

He concludes with a promise to conduct a “tour” through the “great organization behind that circulation, making stops at Tennessee and other points of interest along the way. ... For this trip we should advise a complete change of clothing, two blankets, and comfortable footwear, since there is nothing so important on a journey as easy feet except (ah, yes)—The New Yorker.”

And here, amid the concatenation of increasingly meaningless statistics, we first see “Mr. Tilley.”   He appears in an illustration that compares a towering stack of New Yorker magazines (B) to the Leaning Tower of Pisa (A). Because Mr. Tilley is included chiefly to provide a human dimension against which the height of the two towers can be compared, he is pictured at a monstrously diminutive size. We can see only that he wears a top hat and carries a cane and is referred to as “Our Mr. Tilley.” No first name yet. And he isn’t mentioned in the surrounding text at all.

In the next chapter of Ford’s “Tour through the Vast Organization of The New Yorker,” Tilley is pictured directing the cutting down of trees for making into paper. Compared to the size of the trees, he is still pictured very small, but we can discern a top hat, cane, and cut-away coat—formal attire. And the caption tells us that he is “Our Mr. Eustace Tilley.”

According to Ford in his memoir, the last name he borrowed from a maiden aunt. And he says he chose the first name “for euphony,” a patently false but lugubriously comical claim. Eustace is scarcely euphonious with Tilley. Instead, the assertion reveals only Ford’s penchant for word play: euphony = Eustace. More likely, he chose Eustace because he liked the high-toned but vaguely effete sound of a fraternity brother’s name, Eustace L. Taylor.

While Eustace Tilley is named in the text of most of the other chapters in Ford’s saga and appears in the illustrations accompanying all of the rest of the series, we don’t get a good look at him until Chapter XVII, when he appears in close-up; and the last chapter provides a portrait at full length.  Close-up, Ford’s Tilley looks absolutely nothing like Irvin’s Tilley. In the last chapter’s portrait, we see the top-hatted figure in a cut-away coat, striped trousers and spats, carrying a cane and wearing—a monocle.

The monocle is the only physical evidence that Ford’s “Our Mr. Eustace Tilley” is the same as Irvin’s cover creation. In fact, of course, they aren’t the same at all. Ford’s Tilley is a 20th century fop-about-town; Irvin’s is an elegant refugee from the early years of the previous century.

Ford’s Tilley is drawn throughout the series by Johan Bull, who had recently been added to the magazine’s staff having just immigrated to the U.S. from his native Norway; for Talk of the Town, Bull supplied spot drawings, wonderfully deft and clean-cut renderings.   He also illustrated longer articles in the magazine with supple wash drawings, and he produced two-page “cartoon essays” (groupings of cartoons all illuminating the same subject) in naked linear style. He was remarkably versatile, resorting sometimes to an entirely different sketchy manner for cartoons.

Bull may have been, after Irvin, one of the most accomplished artists to work in the cartoon form in the early New Yorker. Bull’s crisp drawings show up in various other American magazines of the day, but he seems, unaccountably, to have disappeared from New Yorker annals altogether: he shows up in none of the reprint tomes that started coming out in 1928. His last cartoon for the magazine appeared in the issue dated October 22, 1927; his first, July 4, 1925. (We’ve posted a short gallery of his New Yorker art down the scroll.)

Bull was in good company in those early years. The magazine featured much more purely decorative art, illustrative only in the sense that pictures of festive restaurant diners might accompany an article about New York nightlife. Reginald Marsh often supplied ash-can scenes of city street life spread across the bottoms of the two facing pages that followed the Talk of the Town opening. Two-page spreads of cartoon essays were common. Helen Hokinson, famed for her matronly ladies, provided a couple such spreads during that first summer, neither featuring her plump, doughy matrons; one was a visit to the beach, and the sun bathers were all young people; the women, shapely rather than dumpy.

Spot drawings were not tiny inserts as they are today: in the early issues, spot drawings took as much space as their subjects needed. During the notorious “monkey trial” in Dayton, Tennessee, which unfolded during The New Yorker’s inaugural summer, caricatures of William Jennings Bryan sometimes broke up columns of gray type the content of which had nothing to do with the Scopes Trial. Almost in the manner of editorial cartoons, the drawings themselves commented on the evolutionary questions being addressed. 

Page layouts under Irvin’s watchful eye were much more free-spirited, particularly in the several pages of Talk of the Town: layouts continually changed to suit lavish display of the art, the subjects of which were often merely tangential to the prose surrounding them.

Cartoons were only part of the magazine’s visual content. Eventually, most of the visuals were cartoons—until Tina Brown arrived. Then, overnight, photographs were introduced, and other kinds of decorative art showed up throughout the magazine.

But, to return to our Tilley history and the identity question we left dangling: how do we connect Ford’s Eustace Tilley that Johan Bull attires in modern dress with Irvin’s cover drawing of a Regency boulevardier in 19th century garb? How did the name get transferred from one to the other?

The conundrum is all the more puzzling when we notice that the dandy of Irvin’s design appears in every one of Ford’s promotional chapters as a decoration at an upper corner of the border surrounding the treatise. Two Tilleys? Or only one—the one in modern dress, the only one given a name?

We don’t find out that Irvin’s creation is Eustace Tilley until someone at The New Yorker tells us that’s his name. And exactly when that happened, I can’t say. Ford doesn’t know either: he says only that “in time, Irvin’s creation became known as Eustace Tilley”—without remarking at all upon the discrepancy in the appearance of the two characters. And so, with no more evidence than a monocle, the lepidoptera fan, himself more social butterfly than the object of his lassitudinal gaze, came to be called Eustace Tilley; his namesake, “Our Mr. Eustace Tilley” of Ford’s put-ons, faded in memory and in fact.

But before we leave him behind, let’s glimpse the comedy of Ford’s essays, all worth more exposure than they ever get. And here, we accompany these excerpts with some of Bull’s illustrations—by way of giving the only authentic Eustace Tilley, an otherwise airy nothing, a local habitation and a moment of fame.

Here’s the conclusion of Ford’s discussion of “Securing Paper for The New Yorker”:

“Although most of the paper is made nowadays from trees, nevertheless, there is a certain percentage which is made the old way, by picking it up here and there. The material best suited to this work has been found to be an oblong sheet of green paper issued by the United States Government and bearing the words ‘Five Dollars.’ From this single scrap, enough paper can be procured to print 52 copies of the magazine; and to any reader who will submit such a bill to The New Yorker, the editors will mail a year’s subscription free.”

A year’s subscription, we rightly conclude, is $5. Some of Ford’s essays plug subscriptions, but not all; restraint is the mark of the sophisticate, even the mock sophisticate.

Nurturing forests of trees to make into paper requires a vast number of “paperjacks”—so many that “an area equal to half the State of Kansas is needed to raise sufficient grain to feed these men and an area equal to the other half of Kansas is needed to clothe them. To meet this problem it was necessary for The New Yorker to purchase Kansas, at considerable expense.

“The merry paperjacks often indulge in friendly contests of skill, testing their prowess in chopping with the axe. Fred, a powerful Canuck, who if laid end to end would reach six feet four in his stocking feet, was recently declared the champion paperjack.”

Our Mr. Eustace Tilley is the Field Superintendent of paperjacks.

It is subsequently discovered that “the very best paper is made from rags,” which causes a massive adjustment in the production of the magazine. Gathering rags suddenly takes precedence over chopping down trees. “In the early days, the editors gave their shirts, handkerchiefs and socks to be made into paper.” But the supply was soon exhausted. “At this crucial moment, a young member of the staff entered the room clad only in a barrel, bearing in his outstretched hand the remainder of his clothing,” which he donated to the cause.

In the accompanying illustration, “Our Mr. Eustace Tilley, Director of the Committee on Paper Shortage, may be seen supervising the collection of offerings by society matrons who gave their finery to relieve the paper shortage of 1882.”

The next chapter is devoted to a description of how rags are made into paper. Bull’s illustrations show “one of the many debutantes employed in the Rag Cleaning Department of The New Yorker. On the table may be seen the hat and gloves of Our Mr. Eustace Tilley, one of The New Yorker’s Directors-in-Chief of Rag Cleaning.”

Another illustration shows “the thrashing and mangling of rags from which paper is made. In the background may be discerned Mr. Eustace Tilley himself.” When pondering “the actual work of printing itself,” Ford emphasizes the importance of type: “Were it not for type, The New Yorker would have to be printed in pictures instead, and probably would sell for two cents in the subway like the illustrated Graphic, sometimes laughingly referred to as a ‘newspaper.’”

The New York Evening Graphic, founded only a year earlier, in 1924, by Bernarr Macfadden, a physical cultist, was notorious for its doctored photographs, many of which faked scandalous scenes involving well-know personages. Before the discovery that letters of the alphabet must be mined “far underground,” the magazine “obtained its letters from alphabet blocks, noodle soup, or even the monograms on the editor’s watch and cuff links; and letters were used sparingly, hell being spelled ‘h–l’ and damn ‘d—m’ in those times.”

Then a prospector in Chile, “while washing out the dirt at the bottom of a stream preparatory to taking a bath, suddenly discovered two R’s, a Y and a battered figure which might have been an E or an F or part of an old bed spring. Seizing his pickax, he struck down into the earth and uncovered a rich vein of alphabet, including the letter S, which had been missing up to that time, our forefathers using F instead of S, as for example ‘Funny face’ for ‘Sunny face,’ followed by a sock on the jaw.”

Alas, the “rich vein of alphabet” was missing W, resulting in the magazine being called The Ne Yorker until “the memorable (will we ever forget it?) late afternoon of Thursday, August 26, 1823, when young Joseph Pulitzer, while putting his head between his legs to avoid a playful ceiling draught, considered the problem from a new angle and discovered that what was being exploited as an M vein was really a rich strain of inverted W. By turning the dredging machinery upside down and working it standing on their heads, our workmen were able to mine excellent W’s from then on.”

In Bull’s accompanying illustration, “Our Mr. Eustace Tilley, Field Superintendent of Type Mining [attired, as always, in cutaway coat, striped trousers, top hat and monocle], may be seen in the background registering polite, though conservative, surprise.”

No effort is spared in the mining of letters, we are assured. “In The New Yorker type mines, operated by the Type Representative Mr. Eustace Tilley, one letter receives just as much attention as the next and is read and answered personally by Mr. Tilley himself. Sometimes these letters contain a five-dollar bill and to all such correspondents, Mr. Tilley invariably mails back a year’s subscription, just to show his appreciation and good will.”

In the next chapter of his disquisition, Ford takes up the matter of arranging the letters into words and words into sentences. “Sentences in The New Yorker vary in length from six inches to six months or $100 fine or both.” Bull’s illustration shows “a group of The New Yorker’s highly-specialized General Utility Men puzzling over the carefully selected bench-made syllables which will eventually be put together as words, sentences and articles. In the left background may be seen Our Mr. Eustace Tilley, one of The New Yorker’s staff of Syntax Engineers.” In succeeding chapters, we learn that punctuation marks are cultivated at a farm, and that at its founding in 1867 (the date varies from chapter to chapter), the magazine was delivered by the editor on a high-wheel cycle, an operation described as “peddling his wares.”

When Ford arrives at the actual printing of The New Yorker, he is forced to describe the gigantic electrical printing press (“named Bertha”) which, “according to legend,” consists of only 24,927 pieces, “over half of which were cotter pins.” When the editors ran out of spare parts, they advertised for more and received a goodly quantity, including “a piston ring, three fly-wheels, and a rare gasket, or female gadget.”

But Our Narrator found the printing operation itself “too long and difficult to describe here, where it may help the reader to form some conception of this important step in the Making of a Magazine.” Wait—what? So Our Narrator, after asserting that a description of the printing operation may help the reader understand “this important step” (a circular statement in itself), he refrains from offering the description. The height of nonsense—at which, as we all now acknowledge, Corey Ford was proving marvelously adept. The magazine and its staff and printing plant were housed in a 74-floor structure occupying eight city blocks, and each department was put into a separate room of its own, each named “Private” —“after the father of Our Mr. Tilley, a private in the Civil War.” The departments were connected by an intricate network of pneumatic tubes through which pieces of the magazine are conveyed elsewhere until they emerge as a whole issue of The New Yorker.

Later, in order to provide housing for the magazine’s millions of staff members, Our Mr. Eustace Tilley purchased Manhattan Island in 1893, “ingeniously” evolving the name of the place from the name of the magazine—New York. 

Bull provided illustrations showing a movie critic at work and Our Mr. Eustace Tilley christening the island “New York” in the presence of a couple local citizens (whose names no longer signify much to us) and such historic personages as Christopher Columbus, Napoleon, Pope Gregory VII, Edgar Poe, George Washington, Caesar and Lief Erickson.

The last of Ford’s chapters is devoted to a description (with illustrations) of “the original New Yorker building, destroyed by fire in 1868" (pictured is Grant’s Tomb), the interior of the present headquarters where contributors wait to see the editor (depicted is the inside of Grand Central Station), the printing press Bertha, and the present New Yorker buildings, where the staff meets every day in weekly meetings. 

And so we conclude the True History of Our Mr. Eustace Tilley, who, by proclamation in lieu of any substantial evidence, is the same person as Rea Irvin depicted on the cover of the first issue of The New Yorker. As noted in the array of Bull’s Talk of the Town spot drawings, Our Mr. Eustace Tilley—that is, Johan Bull’s Tilley—may have appeared at least once outside of the Ford narrative. And he also may be discerned, perhaps, in the accompanying cartoon by Peter Arno: the top hat is maybe a clue, but the defining monocle is altogether missing. Probably not Our Mr. Eustace Tilley at all. 

Irvin’s Tilley also appeared at least once beyond the cover or any of the department headings Irvin designed. He appears next to the aforeposted Arno cartoon in his customary Irvin garb, welcoming a visitor to New York, the British actor Michael Arlen. Don’t know who drew the picture, but the signature seems to be a dingbat of that irrepressible owl. Perhaps in recognition of his persistence, we ought to give him (it) a name. How about Comte d’Orsay?

Eustace Tilley, as it turns out, is not the only fabricated personage lurking the editorial offices and the pages of The New Yorker. For almost forty of its ninety-two-year existence, Owen Ketherry has been writing to some readers in response to their letters. Not all readers who write the magazine get a letter in response: only those who write to point out an error. The magazine has been, since the beginning, paranoid about making mistakes in print. And when an alert reader catches an error and writes about it, Owen Ketherry dutifully responds.

But Owen Ketherry, like Eustace Tilley, is not a real person. The name is an anagram of “The New Yorker” and represents a collective response, Rachel Taylor tells us in the April 1999 issue of Brill’s Content (now sadly defunct). “Reader correspondence is routed through the letters editor, the fact-checking department and occasionally the writer and editor of the story [at issue]—all before it reaches ‘Ketherry’s’ desk,” explains deputy editor Pamel McCarthy. ... Because ‘so many people are involved’ in responding to reader corrections, ‘it does seem appropriate that the response come from the magazine rather than one person.’”

Owen Ketherry has been signing response letters since at least 1975 or so.

Taylor asked editor David Remnick whether it was appropriate for a magazine of The New Yorker’s standing and reputation to lie to its readers. “I don’t think it’s a lie,” he said, “—it’s an institutional rubric,” adding that the Owen Ketherry tradition is “harmless. The key thing,” he continued, “is that letters are answered institutionally. The editor of the magazine cannot personally answer hundreds and hundreds of letters” (from know-it-all readers who’ve made a spare-time vocation of pouncing on imagined—or real—errors).

The Brill Content report is illustrated with a picture of the imaginary Owen Ketherry. Ingeniously fashioned by Rollin McGrail, Owen Ketherry looks remarkably like Bull’s Tilley might look if he’d survived his short life in 1925 to displace Irvin’s Tilley.

But Irvin's Tilley keeps reappearing, as we said at the beginning of this foray, every year on the cover of the magazine’s issue for the last week of February. Until, that is, 1994, when Crumb’s Elvis Tilley took the place of honor. After that—the habit having been broken, shattered—other “Tilleys” surfaced on the covers of succeeding anniversary issues. Eustace Tilley returned in 1995 to soothe the feelings of rampant traditionalists (like moi), but the year after, we had “Eustacia Tilley”—a feminine image at long last!—then Art Spiegelman produced a rendering of Chester Gould’s cleaver-jawed detective, “Dick Tilley.”

Eustace Tilley was back again for a couple years, then William Wegman dressed one of his dogs in dandy duds and called it “Putting on the Dog.” Eustace Tilley returned until 2008, a presidential election year, when two Tilleys adorned the cover, one upside down, together creating the impression of a face card. One looked like Hillary Clinton; the other, Barack Obama. The title: Eustace Tillarobama. One year, the butterfly was featured in a six-panel cover comic strip.

The covers from 2012 through this year have been “takes” on Tilley—a blurred image like that on the computer screen as your computer is loading, a “Brooklyn Tilley” (an somewhat artsy dude in his apartment, and through the window, in just the right juxtaposition to the man’s raised right hand, we see a panel truck out in the street with a butterfly painted on the back door), and 2014's “Night Windows,” a silhouette of Tilley formed by lighted windows of buildings in the New York night.

For a few years, readers were invited to participate in annual Eustace Tilley contests, contributing comic-strip Tilleys, dog Tilleys, tattooed Tilleys, emoji Tilleys, and twerking Tilleys.  But in 2015, the anniversary Tilley had to be different, as art director Mouly remembers. She was asked by editor Remnick months in advance to come up a way to celebrate the magazine’s 90th birthday.

She turned, as she does every week, “to our artists for ideas, and this time we decided to publish more than one. We picked nine covers for our ninety years”—one for each decade—“selecting images that reflect the talent and diversity of our contributors and the range of artistic media they use: oil painting for Kadir Nelson and Anita Kunz; pen and ink with watercolor for Roz Chast, Barry Blitt, and Istvan Banyai; oil pastel for Lorenzo Mattotti; collage for Peter Mendelsund; and digital art for Christoph Niemann. Some of these artists are regulars—this is Barry Blitt’s eighty-eighth New Yorker cover and Lorenzo Mattotti’s thirtieth. Others are newcomers. Each brings Eustace Tilley squarely into the twenty-first century, and proves that art is as alive on the cover of the magazine today as it was in 1925.”

And here they are, all nine of the covers, one of which, Blitt’s, consists of nine separate images.   Blitt explains: “I thought it would be amusing to present Eustace Tilley in the various styles that have come and gone over the past ninety years. So I showed the inveterate dandy coming unstuck in time, appearing as greaser, hipster, hippie, yuppie and punk, among others.” So does that make 97 covers for Blitt? Or only 89?

His Eustace Tilleys look pretty good, but his fragile sometimes wavering penline bespeaks a kind of tentativeness, and in more complex compositions, that lack of confidence is a distinct blemish—in my so-called mind, anyhow. But then, Blitt’s rich and famous, and I’m just a harmless drudge, laboring enviously in the digital backwaters.




The 2015 anniversary issue prints all nine of the covers, including Blitt’s nine-Tilley cover: three as actual covers, one after the other at the front of the magazine; then all nine, in miniature on the table of contents page. Behind the opening trio of covers, the magazine does little to celebrate the occasion: nine one-page essays, called “snaps” (for “snapshots,” I assume), each focusing on some minutiae of each decade.


For the 2016 anniversary, Eustace Tilley is again on the cover, albeit a somewhat updated version showing him in a subway car performing a “manspread” (by spreading their legs, men claim more than a reasonable amount of space on the bench).  




William Randolph Hearst's mansion in California, 1930's. Archive film 9...

William Randolph Hearst's castle in South Wales 1930's. Archive film 99638

Fairytale for 'parvenus'. William Randolph Hearst and his adventures in 'Neverland'.

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William Randolph Hearst's fairytale castle
IF YOU were the fabulously wealthy American William Randolph Hearst and you were having a passionate, extramarital affair with a goddess of the silent screen, the last place you would think of setting up a love nest for the pair of you would be in a small Welsh town.

By MARI GRIFFITH
PUBLISHED: 10:40, Thu, Jul 30, 2015 | UPDATED: 08:00, Wed, Aug 5, 2015

Hearst's fairytale castle
And yet that is exactly what Hearst did for himself and his mistress, the silent screen star Marion Davies.

He bought her a fairytale castle in Wales. Naturally, she wanted to show it off to her friends so, during the 1930s, it was not unusual to catch a glimpse of Clark Gable, Bob Hope or Charlie Chaplin on the streets of Llantwit Major in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Politicians Winston Churchill and Lloyd George were no strangers to the area either and it is said that a youthful John F Kennedy, destined to become 35th President of the United States, paid a private visit during this period.

Some of the fi lm stars were pleased to scrawl their names on the wall in one of the picturesque local pubs though, sadly, a misguided landlord saw fit to limewash over their autographs a couple of years later.

They all converged on the town because, at various times, they were invited to stay at the lovely medieval castle of St Donat’s, just a clifftop stroll away, as house guests of the American newspaper tycoon, who had bought the castle on a whim in 1925.

Hearst had seen St Donat’s advertised for sale in Country Life magazine and cabled his English agent the instruction to buy it at once. It would be the ultimate gift for Marion Davies, the lover with whom he was absolutely besotted.

William Randolph Hearst was super-rich. Whatever he wanted, he bought and it’s generally agreed that he was the model for the Orson Welles fi lm Citizen Kane. Welles himself denied this, claiming that the script for his 1941 blockbuster was not based on any one person, more an amalgam of two or three. Whether this was true or not, Hearst sued.

That’s the kind of man he was. He had money and he could do what he liked. He could buy anything he wanted and did, spending huge amounts on those people he admired and those who could be of use to him, entertaining them extravagantly and showering them with gifts.

The person on whom he lavished more money than anyone else was Marion Davies, who was already establishing an enviable reputation for herself as a comedy actress in silent films.

Hearst, whose cheque book came in very useful for buying dreams, bought a theatre to further her stage career, renamed it the Marion Davies Theatre, refurbished it completely and had it painted a delicate shade of rosebud pink in her honour.

What God would have built if he’d had the money

George Bernard Shaw

Though he invested heavily in her career, Hearst wasn’t sure about the lightweight roles she played on fi lm. He preferred to think of her as a classical actress of some stature and promoted her as such through his newspapers.

Then he founded Cosmopolitan Pictures in Hollywood, bringing financial pressure to bear on the new company’s producers to cast her in weighty historical dramas rather than in the comedy roles which were really what suited her best.

He financed several films on condition that they would be starring vehicles for her, including the 1922 production When Knighthood Was In Flower, a costume drama in which she played the leading role of Mary Tudor, the younger sister of King Henry VIII.

St Donat’s castle would be the perfect classical backdrop for Marion Davies, a real-life setting from medieval times.

There’d be no need for set designers and fi lm cameras to create this, it was the real deal.

The picturesque castle dates back to the 12th century and the fabric of the building was in need of considerable attention. Hearst spent a fortune restoring it, buying entire rooms from castles and manor houses throughout Europe and installing them in his new love nest.

The most significant of these was the Great Hall which came from Bradenstoke Priory in Wiltshire. He had it dismantled then reconstructed brick by brick at the heart of St Donat’s.

 Hearst and his adored mistress would invite influential politicians and fi lm star friends to stay with them in these opulent surroundings where more than 30 marble bathrooms had been installed for the comfort and convenience of the guests.

According to George Bernard Shaw, it was “what God would have built if he’d had the money”.

Oddly – though perhaps Hearst didn’t know this at the time – the castle already had American presidential connections long before JFK paid a visit because, back in the 15th century, it was the home of the ancestors of the man who became the sixth President of the United States, John Quincy Adams. They were Sir Edward Stradling and his wife Joan, who was the illegitimate daughter of Cardinal bishop Henry Beaufort, himself the illegitimate child of John of Gaunt and his mistress, Lady Katherine Swynford.

So when it came to deciding on a location for a sequence in my historical novel Root Of The Tudor Rose, it seemed a heaven-sent opportunity to use St Donat’s.

It’s just down the road from where I live and if it was good enough for Hearst, it was good enough for me!

The book tells the story of another romance, a clandestine liaison between the very first Tudor of all, the Welshman Owen Tudor, and Catherine de Valois, the lovely young widow of King Henry V.

The lovers were both foreigners at the English court of Catherine’s baby son, King Henry VI where she, as a French woman, was treated with suspicion.

Owen befriended her and they fell in love, embarking upon a passionate affair. In time, Catherine became pregnant but no one at court could ever, ever know about the baby.

After all, the Queen was a widow and her lover Owen Tudor, who was Clerk of her Wardrobe, was a servant.

The pair were desperate to find somewhere for their baby to be born and it did seem reasonable to me that Joan Beaufort, Lady of the Manor at St Donat’s, might have welcomed them.

These days, the castle is home to the sixth form Atlantic College, the first of 15 United World Colleges, founded in 1962 and established to enable students from all over the world to follow an international curriculum.

It also, occasionally, provides a wonderful location for sequences in films and TV series such as Doctor Who and Wolf Hall, though it’s just as well that this never happened in the days of William Randolph Hearst.

He would probably have insisted that Marion Davies should star as Anne Boleyn.


To order Root Of The Tudor Rose by Mari Griffith (Accent Press, £7.99 paperback, Hardback available £14.99) call the Express Bookshop on 01872 562310. Alternatively, send a cheque or postal order payable to The Express Bookshop to Tudor Rose Offer, PO Box 200, Falmouth, Cornwall TR11 4WJ or visit expressbookshop.co.uk. UK delivery is free.






Art historians are appealing for the return of hoards bought by billionaires
Robin Stummer

Sun 5 Mar 2017 00.05 GMT Last modified on Sat 2 Dec 2017 03.30 GMT
 This article is over 1 year old

Hearst Castle, fantasy home of ‘the great accumulator’ and publishing magnate, where many valuable artefacts are displayed.
Leading British historians are calling for the return of a huge hoard of UK art treasures that has gone missing in the United States.

The works – a slice of the nation’s cultural history – range from ship-loads of paintings and sculptures to entire interiors from old houses, transported across the Atlantic as part of the largest movement of art and architecture since the Renaissance. The former V&A director, Sir Roy Strong, is one of the academics calling for Britain’s vanished heritage to be found.

The extent of the lost art and architecture has emerged since the launch in January of an appeal to find a Tudor oak parlour “missing” from Gwydir castle in north Wales. The ornate panelling and a fireplace were bought by the US billionaire William Randolph Hearst in the 1920s and were last seen at his palatial home in New York in the 1930s.

Efforts to find the room, one of two from the castle sold to Hearst, have so far failed. But the search has brought to light the greatest single loss of cultural artefacts from Britain. Though many pieces shipped across the Atlantic passed into public collections in the US, and some worldwide, the fate of the bulk of the material is unknown.

Hearst, fictionalised by Orson Welles in the film Citizen Kane, was an obsessive collector of European – especially British – art and architecture. He was dubbed “the great accumulator” by one dealer. Rumours persist that sealed Hearst containers remain in storage.


The largest Hearst storage site is in the Bronx, New York, but other warehouses are believed to exist across the country. His fantasy medieval castle at San Simeon, California – Xanadu in the film – displays many works, though they are thought to be only around 10% of his entire collection. More than 90 rail wagons brought treasures to San Simeon, and one of the final scenes in Citizen Kane shows an endless vista of crated art at Xanadu.

Hearst was one of several super-rich Americans vying to amass art and antiques. John D Rockefeller, JP Morgan and Henry Clay Frick were also major players, with an extensive “second tier” of buyers below them.

For nearly 60 years, from the 1880s, items from Italy, France, Spain, Germany and Greece were snapped up, but Britain was the richest source. The trade was frenzied. When the Titanic sank in 1912, 30 tons of crated English architectural objects were on board. Entire historic interiors would be acquired – panelling, fireplaces, doors, paintings, timbers and plaster ceilings, libraries and tapestries – and shipped as job lots, often without an inventory. Artworks in particular were sold “en bloc” – by quantity – by dealers with no detailed description.

Over time, US galleries and museums came to own some of the items. Georgian rooms bought by Hearst, taken from Sutton Scarsdale Hall in Derbyshire, were used as film sets in Hollywood before ending up at the Huntington Library collection, California. Other Sutton Scarsdale rooms are held by the Philadelphia Museum of Art.

In the 1990s, the owners of Gwydir traced one of the castle’s two missing interiors, a 1640s room, to the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, which acquired it from Hearst. The room had been stored at the museum for decades, and the owners bought and reinstated it.

The extent of exports of British art and antiques to America is known to a few academics, but Gwydir’s search for its lost room has brought this episode out of the shadows. Now calling for a concerted effort to find the lost heritage are the pre-eminent historians Sir Roy Strong and John Harris.
Strong told the Observer: “There were ship-loads of early English portraits exported, not just grand things. There were interesting Elizabethan and other pictures. Back then, you wouldn’t have got 50 quid for an Elizabethan painting.

“It was the fashion, the English ‘Tudorbethan’. There’s English sculpture – how much of that went to America? We don’t know. There were no export controls. Records just went over to America, those of fantastic gardens, for instance. The fate of the rooms has never been highlighted.

“A large proportion of Britain’s art history from the 16th to 18th centuries may be missing.”

John Harris, who, with Marcus Binney – founder of SAVE Britain’s Heritage – campaigned in the 1970s to prevent heritage neglect, shares Strong’s concern. Harris is the only historian to have studied the export of artefacts from the UK. “I lived in New York in the early 1960s,” Harris told the Observer. “Around 20 houses on Park Avenue alone had old English rooms. Hundreds, if not in the low thousands, of items [are unaccounted for]. Some of the finest craftsmanship. At least 200 rooms were taken apart.

“We have underestimated the number of [historic] rooms in the US. It is unclear what is in storage, what the Hearst people have. It is odd that there has never been an effort to identify what is in the States.”

The scale of the buying was historic. “Only the Renaissance princes were spending on an equivalent scale,” says Dr Mark Westgarth, art historian at Leeds University and a specialist in the art trade. “One of the reasons why heritage laws began in Britain was to stop the flood of material to America.

“Hearst was notorious for buying pieces then leaving them in storage.”

By the late 1930s, Hearst’s empire faced bankruptcy and, in 1941, 20,000 lots were auctioned off at New York department stores Gimbels and Saks. “There hasn’t been sufficient awareness of this aspect of what has been exported to America,” says Harris. “That was seriously to this country’s loss.

“A lot of the documentary records have vanished, dealers’ papers especially. Years ago, I searched the records of one, French & Company, and Hearst without success. I’ve always been told there are Hearst stores in the US, difficult to access. Efforts must be made to examine Hearst sites and open containers. But I’m past it now.”

Those looking after the surviving Hearst archives believe there is much to be discovered. “The whereabouts of a lot of the items Hearst bought are not known,” says Dr Catherine Larkin of the William Randolph Hearst Archive at Long Island University, New York.

“Things have gone missing by being placed in homes which might not exist any more, or are still in one of Hearst’s many warehouses.”

"Want buy castle in England . St Donat Castle

Citizen Kane's domain: 1925–1960
William Randolph Hearst inherited a mining and real estate fortune from his mother, and made a fortune of his own through the establishment of the Hearst Corporation, the largest newspaper and magazine company in the world. Part of the revenues were spent on the building of San Simeon, his Spanish-style castle in California, which began construction in 1919. By 1925 he was eager to purchase a genuine castle, and on 13 August he sent a wire to Alice Head, the London-based managing director of his European operations, "Want buy castle in England . St Donat's perhaps satisfactory at proper price. See if you can get right price on St Donat's or any other equally good". Within two months it was Hearst's, or specifically, the property of the National Magazine Corporation. The price paid for the castle and 111 acres (45 ha) of surrounding land was $130,000. Hearst employed Sir Charles Allom as his architect and designer. Allom was a noted decorator, the founder of White Allom and Company, and had been knighted in 1913 for his redecoration of Buckingham Palace.

Hearst attracted strong opinions. Theodore Roosevelt called him "an unspeakable blackguard (with) all the worst faults of the corrupt and dissolute monied man". Winston Churchill, who stayed as Hearst's guest at St Donat's and at San Simeon, described him in a letter to Clementine Churchill as "a grave simple child – with no doubt a nasty temper – playing with the most costly toys ... two magnificent establishments, two charming wives, complete indifference to public opinion, oriental hospitalities". Churchill's mention of "two charming wives" refers to Marion Davies, Hearst's long-time mistress and a constant presence at both San Simeon and St Donat's. P. G. Wodehouse, invited to San Simeon, recalled Hearst's way of dealing with over-staying guests, "The longer you are there, the further you get from the middle [of the refectory dining table]. I sat on Marion's right the first night, then found myself being edged further and further away till I got to the extreme end, when I thought it time to leave. Another day, and I should have been feeding on the floor".

Hearst undertook a "rapid and ruthless" redevelopment and rebuilding programme at St Donat’s. He spent large sums renovating the castle with architectural trophies from across the United Kingdom and abroad; at the peak of his buying, Hearst's expenditure accounted for a quarter of the world's entire art market. Alice Head, manager of Hearst's London operations and the actual purchaser of St Donat's, recorded her exhilaration, "We were on top of the wave – out of (one) year's profits, we bought The Connoisseur, we bought St Donat's and we bought vast quantities of antiques". The writer Clive Aslet described Hearst's passion for antiquities as "naked obsession... romance gave way to rape", and his mania for collecting was satirised in Orson Welles's 1941 film Citizen Kane. Kane's palace Xanadu, modelled on San Simeon, is described as containing "A collection of everything, so big that it can never be catalogued or appraised. Enough for ten museums, the loot of the world." Hearst's actions were vigorously opposed, particularly in relation to the destruction of the Augustinian foundation Bradenstoke Priory in Wiltshire. Built in 1142, by the 20th century the priory was in poor repair. Hearst purchased the site in 1929, under conditions of secrecy, and had workmen take down the cloister, tithe barn, prior's lodging and refectory. Parts were shipped to California, major elements were incorporated into St Donat's as part of the newly created Bradenstoke hall, while other pieces, including the tithe barn, were lost.The Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings ran a poster campaign on the London Underground, using text that was considered libellous and which had to be pasted over. The campaign also saw questions on the issue being raised in Parliament. Hearst was unconcerned, Miss Head responding to the SPAB secretary: "Mr Hearst and I are well aware of your views. You must please allow us to hold our own opinions."

Hearst did not visit until September 1928, and even then spent only one night in residence.Having undertaken a night-time tour of the castle which was illuminated by kerosene lamps, he left the following morning to board the Berengaria for New York. During the voyage home he wrote a twenty-five-page memorandum with instructions for further improvements to the castle.Over the next decade his time at St Donat's amounted to some four months; between his purchase in 1925 and his death in 1951 he visited, normally for a month at the end of his summer European tours, in 1930, 1931, 1934 and, for the last time, in 1936. His infrequent visits were invariably undertaken with a large entourage, whom he sometimes took for drinks to the Old Swan Inn at the nearby village of Llantwit Major. Among his guests were the actors Charlie Chaplin, Douglas Fairbanks, Errol Flynn and Clark Gable, in addition to political luminaries including Winston Churchill, David Lloyd George and a young John F. Kennedy, who visited with his parents, Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. and Rose Kennedy. Visiting writers included Elinor Glyn, Ivor Novello and Bernard Shaw. Of St Donat's, Shaw was quoted as saying, "This is what God would have built if he had had the money".


In the late 1930s Hearst's publishing empire came close to collapse. St Donat's was put up for sale in 1937, the Hearst Corporation noting that it had invested £280,000 in the castle through its subsidiary the National Magazine Company. An opinion on the chances of recouping this sum was sought from James Milner, a prominent solicitor and Deputy Speaker of the House of Commons. His response was not encouraging: "We have at St Donat's a white elephant of the rarest species".Billy Butlin, the holiday-camp entrepreneur, was uninterested and a development proposal by Sir Julian Hodge did not progress. Much of the furniture, silver and works of art were disposed of in a series of sales conducted by Christie's which began in 1939 and continued for some years. During World War II it was requisitioned for use by British and American troops.Hearst did not return after the war but continued to lend the castle to friends; Bob Hope, the comedian, stayed in May 1951 during his visit for a golf tournament at Porthcawl.


Hollywood's hunger for turrets

 Adrian Tinniswood
16 MAY 2016 • 1:07PM

 Adrian Tinniswood on William Randolph Hearst and the rich Americans who coveted our castles

In the summer of 1925 Alice Head, the managing director of Good Housekeeping magazine in Britain, received a telegram from her boss in California:

Want buy castle in england please find which ones available stdonats perhaps satisfactory at proper price but price quoted seems very high see if you can get right price on stdonats or any other equally good hearst

The newspaper tycoon William Randolph Hearst had begun to think about acquiring a country residence in Britain in the spring of that year. The leading contender was St Donat’s, an imposing medieval fortress 20 miles west of Cardiff (the distinction between England and Wales was lost on Hearst). That summer, he bought it.

Why did Hearst want a castle? Although he didn’t broadcast the fact, he liked the idea of a place where he and his mistress Marion Davies could entertain after their annual European vacation. Their guests included Winston Churchill and David Lloyd George, Errol Flynn and Clark Gable, a young John F Kennedy and an elderly George Bernard Shaw, who is rumoured to have said that St Donat’s was “what God would have built if he had had the money”.

But perhaps Hearst’s real reason for buying an “English” castle had more to do with finding the right setting for his collection of British and European art treasures, which was growing rapidly. At his peak, Hearst accounted for a quarter of the world’s art market.

 “Need ancient atmosphere at St Donat’s,” read one of his many telegrams to Head. On another occasion he urged her “always to add old things” rather than making new. “We shall just increase [the castle’s] historical interest,” he told reporters in 1930, “by bringing tapestries, ceilings, panelling screens, pictures – every one of which will be genuinely antique.”

Some were more genuinely antique than others. Hearst’s bed, for example, was said on rather slender evidence to have been the one in which Charles I slept before his defeat at the Battle of Naseby. Other items were of more certain provenance, albeit of doubtful taste – thumbscrews, an executioner’s sword and other instruments of torture. But the majority of contents amassed for St Donat’s were of the best quality and in the best taste: portraits by Zoffany and Sir Thomas Lawrence, furniture by Chippendale, Brussels tapestries and neoclassical sculpture. St Donat’s was not a re-creation of a Welsh castle, or even an English castle. It was not a Hollywood set. It was a museum.

Hearst was far from being the only American to disrupt the social and architectural fabric of upper-class life in Britain. In the late 19th century, an unholy alliance was forged between socially ambitious mothers of heiresses from New York or Chicago and impoverished English aristocrats, who were happy to offer a title in exchange for a hefty dollar dowry.

The poster girl for that discordant entente was Consuelo Vanderbilt, the daughter of a New York railway magnate and the reluctant wife of Sunny Spencer-Churchill, ninth Duke of Marlborough. Consuelo spent 11 years lost in the marble halls of Blenheim Palace, surrounded by blank-faced servants and condescending in-laws, before her marriage collapsed in 1906. Dinners with her husband were painful affairs, she later recalled. “As a rule neither of us spoke a word. I took to knitting in desperation and the butler read detective stories in the hall.”

By the Twenties, the tenor of the exchange had become subtly different: Americans now brought glamour and dynamism, as well as money. When Texan heiress Iva Lawson bought Herstmonceux Castle in Sussex, undeterred by a phantom giant drummer who walked the battlements, the press on both sides of the Atlantic was delighted: “Along Came a Brave American Girl Who Scoffs at Ghosts and Just Adores Haunted Rooms”, cried an American paper. The young Earl of Jersey found a film-star bride, Virginia Cherrill “of Hollywood, USA”, as Debrett’s Peerage primly put it. Lutyens couldn’t bear her: when she insisted on his installing a cocktail bar, the architect called her “a common little woman without brain [who had] no idea of what an Englishman’s house should be”.
By contrast, Edward VIII was in love with America (and Americans, come to that.) He used the United States as a yardstick by which to judge modern country house conveniences. At Fort Belvedere in Windsor Great Park he introduced “many of the creature conveniences that I had sampled and enjoyed in the New World – a bathroom to nearly every room, showers, a steam bath, built-in cupboards, central heating”. When he left Windsor Castle after his abdication speech, he drove into exile in a Buick.

Occasionally, an American would not only buy a slice of British architectural history, but also take it home with them. The timber-framed Tudor Agecroft Hall in Lancashire, for instance, was dismantled in 1926 and re-erected beside the James River in Virginia. (Today, visitors are invited to explore Agecroft’s “dyninge parlour” and “noble passageways”.) Three years later Basildon Park in Berkshire was offered for sale: it could be taken down and re-erected anywhere in the US in return for $1 million, said its owner. “There seems to be a craze in the United States at the moment for this sort of thing,” said the bewildered secretary of the Ancient Monuments Society.

More often, Americans who wanted to buy into the past left it where it was and merely “improved” it, not always with the happiest results. Back in the early years of the century the wealthy New Yorker William Waldorf Astor had transformed the childhood home of Anne Boleyn, Hever Castle in Kent, filling it with panelling in Italian walnut or English oak, brand-new carved work in the style of Grinling Gibbons and chimneypieces of Verona marble, tapestries, Tudor portraits and suits of armour. But casual sightseers were no longer allowed, earning Hever’s new owner the nickname “Walled-off” Astor. The architect Philip Tilden lamented the passing of tumbledown old Hever: “It has now become a miniature Metropolitan Museum of New York.” The castle was now somehow un-English, as though Astor had tried too hard.

When it came to trying too hard, Wisconsin-born Harry Gordon Selfridge was hard to beat. In 1916 he commissioned Tilden to add a 450ft tower to the top of his Oxford Street department store. Although it came to nothing, five years later Selfridge bought two and a half miles of coastline outside Bournemouth, including Hengistbury Head, a promontory jutting out into the Channel with views across to the Isle of Wight. Again he brought in Tilden. He wanted a Little Castle, which despite its name was to be enormous, and would stand on the very edge of Hengistbury Head with only the sea beyond it. Above and behind it, in a plateau encircled by four miles of turreted walls, was to be the site of what Tilden labelled the Large Castle, with good reason. It was to be the biggest castle in the world. 

Tilden’s vision for Selfridge Castle began with a gateway which pierced the bastioned walls, “like the gate to a Spanish city”. That was ambitious for Bournemouth, but it was only the start. The main drive would wind its way upwards until it reached a piazza and a marble staircase hall with a dome almost as big as that of St Paul’s. The central vista, a thousand feet long, stretched out to either side of this hall which opened into a cloistered garden with a vast galerie des glaces based on that at Versailles.

There were 250 guest suites, dining chambers that would seat hundreds, a theatre, tennis courts, picture galleries and baths. Dominating the palace was to be a 300ft tower filled with laboratories and observatories, culminating in a viewing platform.  Selfridge Castle remained a palace of dreams: its owner sold the site in 1930 without a stone being laid. Decades later Tilden wrote with regret of his castle in the air, “where one could watch the great liners gliding up the Solent to their berths; or through some giant telescope learn more of the eternal vastness of space”.

Besides the bartered brides and business tycoons, there is another group of Americans who had an enormous impact on the country house world between the wars: people like Ronald Tree at Ditchley Park and the diarist and MP Chips Channon, who bought the Kelvedon Hall in Essex in 1938. What this eclectic group have in common is their Anglophile Anglo-Americanism, the fact that they all had a foot on both sides of the Atlantic.

Prominent among them was American-born Olive Paget, who could trace her ancestry to the first Marquess of Anglesey, who commanded the cavalry at Waterloo and lost a leg in the process. Her American mother Pauline was a Whitney heiress, who in 1916 left Olive a fortune in the region of $2 million.

Olive divorced the Hon Charles Winn in 1925 and married a big game hunter, Arthur Wilson Filmer, the same year. They began their life together by renting Bawdsey Manor, an extravagantly turreted example of Victorian Tudor Revival in Suffolk. But Olive’s pet monkey caused £2,000 worth of damage to the furnishings and landed the newly-weds in court as a result, so they had to move. In February 1927, they bought Leeds Castle in Kent for a reputed £200,000, well over £11 million in today’s money. (St Donat’s had cost the Hearst empire a paltry £27,000.) They spent £100,000 more on modernising it.

Leeds was the romantic fortress. “I had heard of such wonders, but only in the realms of grand opera and fantasy,” said E V Lucas, when he caught a glimpse of this vast castle rising out of a lake during a flight from Paris to London in 1931. “It is incredible, unearthly.” It once belonged to Eleanor of Castile: her widowed husband Edward I honeymooned here in 1299 with his second wife, and it became a tradition for English kings to grant the castle to their queens as part of their dowry.

But romance was not enough. Olive and Arthur installed a radiogram in the old chapel, which piped music around the castle. There was an open-air swimming pool with underwater lights and a wave machine, one of the first in England. There were zebras and llamas in the park, and 24 flamingos who spent a few months enjoying the lake before flying away.

The reinvented Leeds Castle was a strangely satisfying cocktail of Arts & Crafts medievalism, French Gothic and Hollywood theatricality. Like St Donat’s and Selfridge Castle, it reminds us that the Americans brought to the English country house more than just their millions and an acquisitive admiration for the Old Country. They brought something of their own that we tend to undervalue: a flamboyance, a joy in the past.

Extracted from The Long Weekend (Jonathan Cape, £25) © Adrian Tinniswood 2016. To order a copy for £20 from the Telegraph, call 0844 871 1514


Millicent Hearst.
In 1903, Hearst married Millicent Veronica Willson (1882–1974), a 21-year-old chorus girl, in New York City. Evidence in Louis Pizzitola's book Hearst Over Hollywood indicates that Millicent's mother Hannah Willson ran a Tammany-connected and protected brothel near the headquarters of political power in New York City at the turn of the 20th century. Millicent bore him five sons: George Randolph Hearst, born on April 23, 1904; William Randolph Hearst Jr., born on January 27, 1908; John Randolph Hearst, born in 1910; and twins Randolph Apperson Hearst and David Whitmire (né Elbert Willson) Hearst, born on December 2, 1915. Hearst was the grandfather of Patricia "Patty" Hearst, widely known for being kidnapped by and then joining the Symbionese Liberation Army in 1974 (her father was Randolph Apperson Hearst, Hearst's fourth son).


 Marion Davies

Conceding an end to his political hopes, Hearst became involved in an affair with the popular film actress and comedian Marion Davies (1897–1961), former mistress of his friend Paul Block,[51] and from about 1919, he lived openly with her in California. The affair dominated Davies's life. Millicent separated from Hearst in the mid-1920s after tiring of his longtime affair with Davies, but the couple remained legally married until Hearst's death. Millicent built an independent life for herself in New York City as a leading philanthropist, was active in society, and created the Free Milk Fund for the poor in 1921. After the death of Patricia Lake, Davies's supposed niece, it was confirmed by Lake's family that she was in fact Hearst's daughter by Davies.

Philip Tilden

 Tilden was born on 31 May 1887, the son of William Augustus Tilden, a prominent chemist who discovered synthetic rubber. Educated at Bedales and Rugby, Tilden joined the Architectural Association in 1905, leaving in 1908 to become an articled pupil to Thomas Edward Collcutt, with whom he later went into partnership. By 1917, he had established his own practice and for the next twenty years worked almost exclusively for a small circle of rich, interconnected, patrons for whom he designed, or re-constructed, country houses, gardens, chapels and churches, castles and a vast tower that was intended to sit on top of Gordon Selfridge's department store on Oxford Street, London.

His best known works, apart from the unexecuted design for the Selfridges tower, were all for politicians: from 1918 to 1923 he designed the Moorish Courtyard, compared by Honor Channon to a "Spanish brothel", and the gardens and swimming pools at Port Lympne for Lloyd George's secretary, Philip Sassoon and may also have worked for Sassoon at Trent Park. Later in 1920s he completely reconstructed Chartwell Manor for Winston Churchill and during the same period built Bron-y-de, at Churt in Surrey, as a country house for David Lloyd George.

By the late 1920s, Tilden's career had peaked: near bankruptcy, following some failed speculative developments;[8] combined with a mental breakdown, which Bettley attributes to Tilden's attempting to reconcile his homosexuality with his marriage to Amalia Broden, a Swedish author; led to his leaving London entirely and moving to Devon. The latter part of his career was spent mainly in the West Country, where he undertook the restoration of a number of, mostly, less important country houses for a variety of less eminent clients. Examples include the reconstruction of Antony House in Cornwall and of Sydenham House in Devon.

Many of Tilden's buildings now enjoy Listed Building status although this is sometimes due to the fame of their owners, or to work that pre-dated Tilden, rather than to his own efforts: examples include Port Lympne Mansion, Grade II* listed as at 29 December 1966; Chartwell, Grade I listed as at 16 January 1975 and Antony House, Grade I listed as at 21 July 1951.

In 1954 Tilden published his autobiography, True Remembrances: the memoirs of an architect. Bettley considered it highly unreliable. Philip Tilden died on 25 February 1956 at Shute, Devon.His obituary in The Times, described him as "an architect with a talent for restoring old buildings, though of a somewhat lush and luxurious taste."




True remembrances: The memoirs of an architect  – 1 Jan 1954
by Philip Tilden

DRIBERG AND BURGESS IN MOSCOW

TOM DRIBERG : "A journalist, an intellectual, a drinking man, a gossip, a high churchman, a liturgist, a homosexual / "VIDEO: Ronnie Kray - Scandal

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"Thomas Edward Neil Driberg ( 1905-1976 ) was, successively, at school with Evelyn Waugh, at Oxford with W.H. Auden, compiler of the “William Hickey” gossip-column for the Daily Express, an Independent – later Labour – MP for the remote Essex constituency of Maldon ( 1942-1955 ), Chairman of the Labour Party, Labour MP for the east London seat of Barking ( 1959 – 1974 ) and, at the end very end of his life, ennobled as Baron Bradwell Juxta Mare. He was also a high-churchman, a socialite, an associate with the Kray twins, a friend of Mick Jagger – whom he encouraged to stand for Parliament – a promiscuous homosexual and a snob, who after surveying the guests at the party given to celebrate his seventieth birthday remarked to a friend, ‘One Duke, two Dukes’ daughters , sundry lords, a bishop, a poet laureate – not bad for an old left-wing MP, eh ?"
D.J. Taylor in The New Book of Snobs / 2016


"A journalist, an intellectual, a drinking man, a gossip, a high churchman, a liturgist, a homosexual", the first time, according to journalist Christopher Hitchens, that the newspaper had ever defined a public figure specifically as homosexual.

Nevertheless, Driberg's incomplete memoir Ruling Passions, when published in June 1977, was a shock to the public and to some of his erstwhile associates, despite advance hints of the book's scandalous content. Driberg's candid revelations of his "cottaging" and his descriptions of casual oral sex were called by one commentator "the biggest outpouring of literary dung a public figure has ever flung into print." The comedians Peter Cook and Dudley Moore depicted Driberg as a sexual predator, wearing "fine fishnet stockings" and cavorting with a rent boy, in a sketch, "Back of the Cab", which they recorded in 1977.

More vituperation followed when Pincher's allegations of Driberg's links with the Russian secret service were published in 1981; Pincher christened him "Lord of the Spies". However, Foot dismissed these accusations as typical of the "fantasies of the secret service world that seem to have taken possession of Pincher's mind". Foot added that Driberg "had always been much too ready to look forgivingly on Communist misdeeds, but this attitude was combined with an absolutely genuine devotion to the cause of peace".

In his 2004 biographical sketch Davenport-Hines describes Driberg as "a sincere if eccentric Christian socialist who detested racism and colonialism", who at the same time "could be pompous, mannered, wayward, self-indulgent, ungrateful, bullying and indiscreet". As to the apparent contradiction between sincere Christianity and promiscuous homosexuality, Wheen argues that "there had been a recognisable male homosexual subculture in the Anglo-Catholic movement since the late nineteenth century". This theme is explored in a paper by David Hilliard of Flinders University, who maintains that "the [19th century] conflict between Protestantism and Anglo-Catholicism within the Church of England was ... regularly depicted by Protestant propagandists as a struggle between masculine and feminine styles of religion".


 After the publication of his relatively sympathetic portrait of Burgess in 1956, Driberg had been denounced as a "dupe of Moscow" by some elements of the press. Two years after Driberg's death, the investigative reporter Chapman Pincher alleged that he had been "a Kremlin agent of sympathy" and a supporter of Communist front organisations. In 1979 Andrew Boyle published The Climate of Treason, which exposed Anthony Blunt and led to a period of "spy mania" in Britain. Boyle's exhaustive account of the Burgess–Maclean–Philby–Blunt circle mentioned Driberg as a friend of Burgess, "of much the same background, tastes and views", but made no allegations that he was part of any espionage ring.

In this atmosphere, Pincher published Their Trade is Treachery (1981), in which he maintained that Driberg had been recruited by MI5 to spy on the Communist Party while still a schoolboy at Lancing, and that he was later "in the KGB's pay as a double agent". Other writers added further details; the former British Intelligence officer Peter Wright, in Spycatcher (1987), alleged that Driberg had been "providing material to a Czech controller for money". The former Kremlin archivist Vasili Mitrokhin asserted that the Soviets had blackmailed Driberg into working for the KGB by threatening to expose his homosexuality. In a 2016 biography of Burgess, Andrew Lownie reports that Driberg was "caught in a KGB sting operation" at a Moscow urinal, and as a result agreed to work as a Soviet agent.

The weight of information, and its constant repetition, made an apparently strong case against Driberg, and former friends such as Mervyn Stockwood, the Bishop of Southwark, became convinced that he had indeed betrayed his country. Other friends and colleagues were more sceptical. According to ex-Labour MP Reginald Paget, not even the security services were "lunatic enough to recruit a man like Driberg", who was famously indiscreet and could never keep a secret. Mitrokhin's "blackmail" story is questioned by historian Jeff Sharlet, on the grounds that by the 1950s and 1960s Driberg's homosexuality had been an open secret in British political circles for many years; he frequently boasted of his "rough trade" conquests to his colleagues. The journalist A. N. Wilson quotes Churchill commenting years before that "Tom Driberg is the sort of person who gives sodomy a bad name".

Pincher, however, argued that as homosexual acts were criminal offences in Britain until 1967, Driberg was still vulnerable to blackmail, although he also claimed that the MI5 connection secured Driberg a lifelong immunity from prosecution. Driberg's colleague Michael Foot denied Pincher's claim that Margaret Thatcher, when prime minister, had made a secret agreement with Foot to protect Driberg if Foot, in turn, would remain silent about the supposed treachery of Roger Hollis, another of Pincher's recently dead targets.

Wheen asserts that Pincher was not an objective commentator; the Labour Party, and its supposed infiltration by Communist agents, had been his target over many years.[130] Pincher's verdict on Driberg is that "in journalism, in politics and intelligence ... eventually he betrayed everybody".Wheen argues that Driberg's greatest vice was indiscretion; he gossiped about everyone, but "indiscretion is not synonymous with betrayal". Driberg's Labour Party colleague, Leo Abse, offers a more complex explanation: Driberg was an adventurer who loved taking risks and played many parts. "Driberg could have played the part of the spy with superb skill, and if the officers of MI5 were indeed inept enough to have attempted to recruit him, then, in turn, Tom Driberg would have gained special pleasure in fooling and betraying them".




 Labor MP with a knack for gossip, sex

REVIEWED BY MARTIN RUBIN
By - The Washington Times - Sunday, September 1, 2002

Of all the odd ducks ever to grace the benches of the British House of Lords in the 20th century, there can have been fewer characters more genuinely strange than Baron Bradwell of Bradwell juxta Mare in the County of Essex. But his perch upon the red benches at Westminster was only the last act in a life filled with improbabilities. Better known throughout his seven decades on this earth as Tom Driberg, he was a mass of contradictions.
Longtime member of the Communist Party of Great Britain, which he joined in his teens, he was also a passionate adherent of the most High Church form of the Church of England. Neither of these convictions interfered with his being a high-paid gossip columnist for the Express Newspapers, whose proprietor Lord Beaverbrook, a right-wing Tory, was also the subject of a rather problematic biography by this longtime employee.
A Labor Party MP from the early 1940s to the mid 1970s, he was in Parliament as in his journalism as much a scourge of Labour as of Conservative governments. The most promiscuous and predatory of homosexuals (but no pederast), he was married for the quarter-century before his death, an alliance detailed in this biography as one of the oddest and unhappiest marital unions ever.
All this and there is more obviously makes for a rich subject for biography and Francis Wheen, author of a recent life of Karl Marx, has made, if not the most of this embarras de richesse, at the very least a pretty decent job of it. After a rocky start with a polemical, opinionated, even bitchy, introduction, which might put some readers off, the text of the biography itself is lively, often judicious, and generally sound. Best of all, it lets Driberg speak for himself as much as possible and his distinctive voice in journalism, political speeches, and letters adds an extra piquancy to an already tasty dish.
Mr. Wheen begins his narrative with Driberg's death in a London taxicab in August 1976. Driberg had partially completed the autobiography which would appear the next year entitled "Ruling Passions." Although it was to date one of the frankest homosexual biographies and created quite a stir, not least among those who feared being named (sexually) in it, there might have been still more shocks had Driberg lived a little longer. Ever "the soul of indiscretion," the erstwhile author of the William Hickey column in the Daily Express was truly a world-class gossip. The trouble is, that he was also one of the greatest fantasists ever.
Biographer Wheen does an admirable job of trying to sort the wheat from the chaff in Driberg's tall and lowlife tales, but is, understandably, not always able to come to a definitive conclusion.Those who love rooting around in muddy waters will find the whole process vastly enjoyable; those who find it distasteful will probably not want to read a book about Driberg anyway.
This is not to say that "The Soul of Indiscretion" is merely a frivolous, gossipy book nor that the life it chronicles was without serious significance. Mr. Wheen is clearly charmed by his subject, occasionally even delighted by him, but he is also sometimes exasperated by him. On the whole, he is a realistic judge of where Driberg stood politically. But on the vexed issue of whether Driberg was actually a Soviet agent, Mr. Wheen may let his subject off too easily.
Certainly, Driberg made no secret of his pro-Soviet sympathies, but after all sometimes the best place to hide something is in plain sight. In the end, Mr. Wheen thinks Driberg was too unreliable and untrustworthy to have been a likely candidate to attract the attentions of the KGB. (What about Guy Burgess, one is tempted to ask surely more endowed with every bad quality possessed by Driberg?)
Yet certainly Driberg was capable of the kind of surprises that would not have gone down well with the Soviets: for instance, his sympathetic, firsthand reporting from Korea of the British troops fighting there. (Indeed, his staunch support of the Anglo-American position in the Korean War stands in stark contrast to Mr. Wheen's perfervid and hostile account of this UN-backed conflict.) Since this book was originally published, new accusations more or less credible have surfaced about Driberg's spying activities. Would they have changed this biographer's judgment? It's hard to know, but I suspect not.
The chapter on Driberg's marriage to the equally devout socialist Mrs. Ena Mary Binfield in 1951 is a fascinating study of Driberg at his most contradictory, puzzling, and unaccountable.
He must certainly have been one of the worst husbands on record: neglectful, nasty, vituperative and totally unwilling to give of himself in any way, including sexually. Indeed, he even managed to portray himself as a victim when he excoriated her for attempting to "pounce" on him during their honeymoon. Did he marry merely to provide a chateleine for his country house? Perhaps he was attempting to cloak his disreputable private life in a measure of respectability for political advantage.
Mr. Wheen's exploration of his motives and conduct as a husband are a model of judicious deduction from the sources available. Ena's letters, reproduced at length here, must induce sympathy even in the most stony-hearted of readers and Mr. Wheen has brought to life a woman known previously only as the butt of a cruel joke by Winston Churchill, who famously quipped, when told of Driberg's marriage to a less than beautiful lady: "Well, you know what they say, buggers can't be choosers."
Tom Driberg's life is fascinating at least in part because of the people he knew and Mr. Wheen does an excellent job of acquainting us with how such varied characters as Lord Mountbatten and Mick Jagger came to figure in this most unusual of 20th century political lives. Driberg himself stands out as a most unpleasant man, as unappealing when he is a schoolboy friend of Evelyn Waugh as when he is a denizen of the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party.
If he was himself unhappy and his constant self-pity shows that he clearly was he managed whether in his columns or in person to entertain most people.
His contributions to political and public life were not great, but in his private life he definitely had a talent to amuse, something which he continues to do in the pages of this colorful and fluent biography. Indeed, he could entertain the most unlikely people, as in the incredibly obscene crossword puzzles which he produced for the British publication Private Eye in the last years of his life.
The winner of the 2-pound prize for a particularly lubricious puzzle in 1972 was a Mrs Rosalind Runcie, wife of the-then Bishop of St. Albans, later Archbishop of Canterbury in the Thatcher years. There's truly no end to the surprising circles into which Driberg's life and pen could propel him.

Martin Rubin is a writer in Pasadena, Calif.
THE SOUL OF INDISCRETION: TOM DRIBERG, POET, PHILANDERER, LEGISLATOR AND OUTLAW
By Francis Wheen


Police blocked from charging former Labour MP Tom Driberg with sexually abusing boys, claims Simon Danczuk

MP says new allegations concerning the former party chairman were made by retired Met Police detective sergeant

 Jonathan Owen
Thursday 3 December 2015 20:05


Police suspected that a former Labour party chairman was sexually abusing teenage boys but were blocked from bringing charges by the Director of Public Prosecutions, a campaigning MP has claimed.

 The openly gay Labour MP Tom Driberg was a friend of the Krays and a KGB spy

Police suspected that a former Labour party chairman was sexually abusing teenage boys but were blocked from bringing charges by the Director of Public Prosecutions, a campaigning MP has claimed.

 The new allegations concern Tom Driberg, a prominent Labour politician in the 1950s and 1960s, and were made by retired detective sergeant in the Metropolitan Police, according to the Simon Danczuk, Labour MP for Rochdale.


 “He told my office that in 1968 he was a junior member of a team who monitored a succession of teenage escapees from Feltham Young offenders Institute entering the house of Tom Driberg,” said Mr Danczuk, during a speech at the Cass Business School, London, on Wednesday evening.

 “[Michael Cookson, the police offficer] alleges that the boys were interviewed and it soon became clear that they had been abused by Driberg and wanted charges to be brought against him. So did the police and filed an application to charge to the Director of Public Prosecutions, Norman Skelhorn,” he added.

 Mr Danczuk said the retired officer, who contacted his office last year, claimed police were confident an arrest would take place.

 “They were clear that obvious crimes were being committed. But then nothing happened. Eventually, he said word came back that Skelhorn had ruled out any chance of prosecution and they were told not to proceed with the case because it was not in the public interest.

 The Rochdale MP added: “If Cookson’s story is true, I certainly don’t think it’s unique. I’d heard similar stories from officers trying to investigate Cyril Smith and I’m sure this type of scenario repeated itself with other important people.”

 Sir Norman Skelhorn also blocked attempts to prosecute Liberal MP Cyril Smith and the Conservative MP Victor Montagu for the sexual abuse of boys, he claimed.


  “What kind of message does that send out? That if you are among society’s elites then you have carte blanche to sexually abuse poorer people. I believe this attitude has long been ingrained in certain sections of society and has poisoned our justice system,” said Mr Danczuk.

 Mr Driberg started out as a journalist, founding the William Hickey gossip column in the Daily Express, before becoming the MP for Maldon in 1942. By 1957 he was chairman of the Labour Party, a role he stepped down from in 1958. He spent 15 years as MP for Barking before being made a life peer in 1975.

 But the openly gay politician’s private life saw him repeatedly come under police scrutiny. In 1935 he was acquitted of ‘gross indecency’ with two strangers. And he was caught with a Norwegian sailor in 1943, but not arrested. His friendship with the Kray twins led to MI5 keeping a file on him amid allegations that the Krays would provide ‘rent boys’ for Mr Driberg. And it emerged in 1999 that the Labour politician, who died in 1976, had also been a KGB spy codenamed Lepage. ”

The retired police officer who made the allegations regarding Mr Driberg has since died, but Mr Danczuk has written to Alison Saunders, Director of Public Prosecutions, demanding she disclose any documents relating to the former Labour Party chair, who died in 1976. Speaking to The Independent, Mr Danczuk said: “Perhaps some of the victims are still out there, and perhaps it would help them to know if he was suspected of committing these types of crimes.”

 In a statement, a spokesperson for the Crown Prosecution Service said: “We can confirm we have received the letter.



Everybody in the house
BY
FRANCES WILSON


Frances Wilson is an author, biographer and critic, whose works include The Ballad of Dorothy Wordsworth.Her most recent book is How to Survive the Titanic, or the Sinking of J Bruce Ismay.She reviews for the TLS, the Telegraph and the New Statesman.

  Not all the "Bright Young People" who dominated the celebrity pages in the latter half of the 1920s had brightness or youth on their side, at least not at the same time. And while each was clearly a person, or at least a "has-been", as the notorious Stephen Tennant boasted, identification with the rest of humanity was not one of the group's more memorable characteristics. The left- wing gossip columnist Tom Driberg was unusual in being bright, young, and supposedly on the side of the people, but as Lord Beaverbrook pointed out, Driberg's communism was of the cafe variety - to which the bright young reporter brightly retorted: "Clear thinking need not imply poor feeding." Another well-fed clear think er was Robert Byron, who wrote erudite tomes about Byzantium at the same time as cavorting at parties in the guise of a drunken Queen Victoria.

 Driberg and Byron were part of a clique so select you could squash them all into the back of a Rolls. The selection process was, however, surprisingly democratic. Bright young people could be middle-class like Cecil Beaton, driven like Harold Acton, directionless like Brian Howard, aristocratic like Elizabeth Ponsonby, trade like Bryan Guinness, fascist like Oswald Mosley, Jewish like Tom Driberg, and even heterosexual, like Evelyn Waugh. What drew them all together was what Patrick Balfour, another insider, recognised as "impulse", to which can be added a restlessness that today we might call melancholia.

 While millions of unemployed marched the streets, "High Bohemia", as the press called this group, were playing their fiddles. Bored with being themselves, they hosted impersonation parties, hermaphrodite parties, sailor parties, Episcopal parties, Mozart parties, second childhood parties, White parties, Black and Red parties, and the party with which D J Taylor begins his fascinating study of hedonism, futility, and fracture, the Bath and Bottle party, held in a municipal swimming pool and regarded as the social event of the season. Brenda Dean Paul, one of the bright young people who was still there in the morning, recalled the night in elegiac terms, "turgid water and thousands of bobbing champagne corks, discarded bathing caps and petal-strewn tiles as the sun came out and filtered through the giant skylights of St George's Baths, and we wended our way home". Every party was experienced as the last.

 This was an age in which not only were Brian and Brenda swanky names, but the shadows of war were such that the brightness of a few party-goers could be blinding. While the press was obsessed with these celebrities, nothing could match their self-obsession. When not falling over each other at the same events, they wrote about themselves continually - and usually very well - in novels, poems, plays, diaries, newspaper columns and letters. Evelyn Waugh's Vile Bodies, in which he dramatised the lifestyle of his friends, is Taylor's primary source and he reads the novel as reportage rather than fiction. But in order to get to the heart of this "lost generation", Taylor uses the journals and letters of Arthur and Dolly Ponsonby, who watched their daughter Elizabeth - the Hon Agatha Runcible in Vile Bodies - dissolve into a world of dissipation, and die of drink before she reached 40.

 It is the Ponsonby archive that provides the emotional heart of Bright Young People, and transforms it from a superior social history into a complex study of family, fear and breakdown. The daughter of a Labour peer and a pacifist, Elizabeth was clever, accomplished, charming, cultured, and with a death-drive so determined that it overrode all else. Her rage for superficiality left her thoughtful parents utterly baffled, and examples of their bafflement serve as a Greek chorus throughout the book. "My daughter has drifted back into the chaos of extravagance," reads a typical entry in her father's journal; "E's affairs utterly hopeless", "E draining us as usual and refusing to find a job", until "the astonishingly lovely face as she lay there dead".

 Compared with the tragedy of Elizabeth Ponsonby's listlessness, Brian Howard's failure to become a writer is comic relief. Howard, sent up as Johnny Hoop in Vile Bodies and ridiculed by Cyril Connolly in "Where Engels Fears to Tread", is wonderfully described by Taylor in a sub-chapter devoted to "The Books Brian Never Wrote", books with titles such as Splendours and Decorations of Bavaria, and The Divorce of Heaven and Hell.

 Taylor's achievement is to remind us that there are few periods of recent history more culturally interesting than the years between the wars. I guarantee that before you have reached the final page of Bright Young People, you will be searching out everything ever written by Waugh, Anthony Powell, and Nancy Mitford, and will even have placed an order for the poetry of Brian Howard.

Frances Wilson's "The Courtesan's Revenge" is published by Faber & Faber from Mr Danczuk and we will reply in due course.”




Scoop! The shockingly intimate truth of how Evelyn Waugh's gay Oxford lover became Brideshead Revisited’s Sebastian

A new biography uncovers the reality behind Brideshead Revisited
Novel drew upon Evelyn Waugh's bohemian lifestyle at Oxford University
The biography coincides with the 50th anniversary of Waugh's death
Evelyn Waugh: A Life Revisited, by Philip Eade, will be published on July 7
By PHILIP EADE FOR THE MAIL ON SUNDAY

PUBLISHED: 22:21 GMT, 2 April 2016 | UPDATED: 23:36 GMT, 2 April 2016

Endlessly evocative, Evelyn Waugh's hymn to a vanished age of aristocracy has delighted and entranced generations.

Now, as the 50th anniversary of Waugh's death approaches, a powerful new biography uncovers the reality behind Brideshead Revisited - and the shockingly intimate truth that inspired a masterpiece of nostalgia. 

Brideshead Revisited is about ‘very rich, beautiful, high-born people who live in palaces and have no troubles except what they make themselves and those are mainly the demons sex and drink which after all are easy to bear as troubles go nowadays’, Evelyn Waugh wrote to a friend.

Suffused with nostalgia for a disappearing aristocratic way of life, the novel draws heavily upon Evelyn’s bohemian lifestyle at Oxford University – far more heavily than many might suspect. Indeed his intense relationship with a fellow student inspired the most colourful and perhaps most famous character in the book: the charismatic and unmistakably homosexual Lord Sebastian Flyte, recognisable to millions through his portrayal on screen by Anthony Andrews.

Evelyn, who also wrote the 1938 classic Scoop, regarded the novel, published in 1945, as his ‘magnum opus’ and he revealed more of himself in it than in any of his previous books. It is still hugely popular today and the iconic 1981 Granada TV series is regarded as a classic.

Brideshead Revisited begins in 1923 with the narrator Charles Ryder, a history student at Oxford University, befriending Sebastian, the son of The Marquis of Marchmain. Sebastian takes Charles to Brideshead, his magnificent family home, introduces him to his eccentric friends, and the two young men develop a very close relationship.

Everyone was queer at Oxford in those days

Evelyn himself had gone up to Hertford College, Oxford, on a history scholarship in January 1922 and quickly set about gathering new experiences.

He learned to smoke a pipe and to ride a bicycle. He got drunk for the first time, discovered a zeal for alcohol and soon developed a reputation for riotous roistering.

By Evelyn’s own account, most of his Oxford friendships were forged while drunk.

Many of these friendships had a pronounced homosexual flavour. As John Betjeman later remembered: ‘Everyone was queer at Oxford in those days!’

Evelyn’s friend Tom Driberg, later a Labour MP, recalled that he and Evelyn enjoyed ‘some lively and drunken revels – “orgies” were they?’ – mainly homosexual in character.’

And, in the spring of 1923, the 19-year-old Evelyn took up with the ‘friend of my heart’, as he described him, a handsome 18-year-old at Brasenose called Alastair Graham.

Eight months younger than Evelyn, well-born, rich and dreamy, Alastair became one of the great loves of Evelyn’s early life. As a muse, he made the most obvious contribution to the character of Sebastian in Brideshead, which in manuscript twice has ‘Alastair’ in place of ‘Sebastian’.

Alastair was seen by Evelyn’s contemporaries as a catch. Novelist Anthony Powell remembered him as ‘frightfully good-looking, with rather Dresden china shepherdess sort of looks… a lot of people were undoubtedly in love with him’.

Among the queue of admirers was Evelyn’s friend Harold Acton, the writer and scholar, who gushed in a letter jointly addressed to Evelyn and Alastair: ‘I had erections to think of you two angels in an atmosphere salinated with choir boys and sacerdotal sensuality!’

He later described Alastair as a Pre-Raphaelite beauty and said that he had ‘the same sort of features as Evelyn liked in girls – the pixie look’.

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When, at the end of the summer term in 1923, Alastair failed his history exams and was removed from the university by his mother, Evelyn asked his father if he, too, might be taken away from Oxford and sent to Paris to live as a bohemian artist. Not surprisingly, his father did not like this idea.

But though Alastair had left the university, he and Evelyn remained ‘inseparable’, or, as Evelyn later recalled, ‘if separated, in almost daily communication’. Alastair ‘continued to haunt Oxford’, driving down regularly from his home in Warwickshire in his two-seater car, whereupon he and Evelyn would zoom off into the Oxfordshire countryside.

In advance of one such visit, Alastair wrote a letter enclosing a photograph of himself naked, posing like some alluring wood nymph beneath an overhanging rock face, his backside pointing seductively towards the camera.

In the letter, he wondered ‘will you come and drink with me somewhere on Saturday? If it is a nice day we might carry some bottles into a wood or some bucolic place’.

Alastair enclosed a naked picture of himself
Brideshead also drew heavily on Evelyn’s friendship with the Lygon family at Madresfield in Worcestershire in the 1930s. But while the disgrace of Lord Beauchamp – who was hounded into exile on account of his homosexual affairs – provided the idea for Lord Marchmain’s story in the novel, Alastair Graham remains the most convincing model for Sebastian.

Evelyn had often visited Alastair’s home, Barford House, near Stratford-upon-Avon, which was presided over by Alastair’s widowed mother Jessie. Barford is nothing like the size of Brideshead or its television alter ego, Castle Howard, yet beneath its handsome, peeling, white-stucco facade can be glimpsed the same gold-coloured stone that Charles Ryder sees on his first visit to Brideshead.

Its front is embellished with a similar, albeit far less grand, row of Ionic half-columns; and there is even a dome and lantern on the roof, though again on a considerably more modest scale than in the book.

Alastair’s mother was a wealthy American. His father, Hugh Graham, was a bona fide scion of the British landed aristocracy – the younger son of a baronet and grandson of the 12th Duke of Somerset.

His sisters, Alastair’s aunts, were the Duchess of Montrose, the Marchioness of Crewe, the Countess of Verulam and Lady Wittenham. It was while staying at Barford (which he was to do on countless occasions, sometimes for weeks at a stretch) that Evelyn gained his first meaningful entree into the upper-class world he eventually came to inhabit.

In his third term, Evelyn moved to rooms on the ground floor of Hertford’s front quad, which soon became the epicentre of the self-elected ‘Hertford underworld’.

Evelyn and his set of louche friends gathered there most lunchtimes. Starting with a glass or two of Sandeman’s Brown Bang, a heavy, glutinous sherry, Evelyn would then go on to beer and would often be completely sozzled by five o’clock. Not infrequently he would carry on drinking throughout the evening.

In Brideshead, Charles’s first encounter with Sebastian recalls an evening when members of the Bullingdon Club came roaring across the quad, and one of them staggered over to Evelyn’s room and was sick through the window.

Because of the amount of time he spent with Alastair at Barford, Evelyn, never the most industrious of students, neglected his studies and in 1924 was only able to achieve a dispiriting third-class degree.

That autumn, Alastair went to Africa to spend the winter with his sister in Kenya. In Alastair’s absence, Evelyn continued to visit Barford, although whenever he went into Leamington with Mrs Graham he felt ‘a little sad to pass all the public houses where Alastair and I have drunk’.

However, Evelyn and Alastair were together a lot in August 1925 and a resumption of intimacy is hinted at in Evelyn’s record of their having ‘dined in high-necked jumpers’ at Barford and done ‘much that could not have been done if Mrs Graham had been here’.

A polo-neck jumper was ‘most convenient for lechery’, according to Evelyn, ‘because it dispenses with all unromantic gadgets like studs and ties’.

Alastair wrote to him after this visit: ‘I feel very lonely now. But you have made me so happy. Please come back again soon. Write to me a lot, because I am all by myself, and I want to know what you are doing… My love to you, Evelyn; I want you back again so much.’

There is a sense here of Alastair beginning to lose his hold over Evelyn, who appears to have been turning his attention more towards girls in general.

He had confided to friends that he wanted to find a wife and was, at this time, fruitlessly pursuing 18-year-old Olivia Plunket Greene, the sister of an Oxford friend.

He remained close enough to Alastair, however, to invite himself to accompany him and his mother to Scotland for three weeks in the summer of 1926. The men then went on to France, where Evelyn reflected: ‘I think I have seen too much of Alastair lately.’

Alastair took up a diplomatic posting in Athens, as honorary attaché to the British Minister, Sir Percy Loraine, who was rumoured to have had an affair with the young Francis Bacon.

When Evelyn visited him that Christmas, Alastair seemed to be seizing every opportunity to explore his sexuality away from the restrictive laws of England; as Evelyn recorded, the flat he shared with another diplomat was ‘usually full of dreadful Dago youths… who sleep with the English colony for 25 drachmas a night’.

Meanwhile, Olivia continued to reject his advances and, one day, when the message finally got through to him that she would never sleep with him, Evelyn took hold of her hand and very deliberately burnt the back of her wrist with his cigarette.

He carried on seeing Alastair intermittently. He took him with him when he went to stay with the Longfords in Ireland in the autumn of 1930. Evelyn had been invited by his friend Frank Pakenham, later Lord Longford.

As Evelyn cheerfully wrote in the Daily Mail: ‘No one has a keener appreciation than myself of the high spiritual and moral qualities of the very rich. I delight in their company whenever I get the chance.’

By this time he had achieved success with his first novel, Decline And Fall, and had been married to, and separated from, his first wife, Evelyn Gardner.

Evelyn camped it up when they were together
He was assumed by some of the Longfords’ other guests to have resumed his love affair with Alastair, a suspicion scarcely allayed by Evelyn’s tendency to camp it up and put on a high-pitched voice whenever they were together, which was most of the time.

The following year he went to stay at Barford when he was trying to start his third novel, Black Mischief, but found it impossible to work with Alastair around.

‘We just sit about sipping sloe gin all day,’ he complained to a friend. ‘I am reading all the case histories in Havelock Ellis [a doctor who studied human sexuality] and frigging too much.’

The last appearance of Evelyn’s name in the Barford visitors’ book was in 1932, by which time he had stayed there on more than 20 occasions. (He had also, by then, surprised his family and friends by becoming a Roman Catholic.)

After that Evelyn and Alastair disappeared from each other’s lives.

Years later, when Alastair’s niece asked him why their friendship had ended, he replied vaguely: ‘Oh, you know, Evelyn became such a bore, such a snob.’

Evelyn’s relationship with Alastair had not been his only dalliance with a man. Richard Pares had been his ‘first homosexual love’, he later told Nancy Mitford.

Pares had come up to Oxford from Winchester the term before him. He was widely admired among Oxford undergraduates for his bright blue eyes, flax-gold hair and, as historian A. L. Rowse, an Oxford contemporary, wistfully remembered, ‘red kissable lips’.

Pares and Evelyn were, wrote Rowse, ‘inseparable in Evelyn’s first year’.

In 1936, Alastair bought a house just outside New Quay, a remote fishing port on the west coast of Wales. Occasionally he threw parties for his neighbours, who at one time included Dylan Thomas. The poet used Alastair as the model for Lord Cut-Glass in Under Milk Wood.

Neither Thomas nor anyone else in New Quay appeared to know that Alastair had also been the model for Sebastian Flyte in Brideshead.

He remained more or less incognito in this respect until the late 1970s, when he was encountered in a local pub by Duncan Fallowell, as the writer recounted in his book How To Disappear.

Not knowing who he was, Fallowell chanced to fall into conversation with him about Evelyn Waugh, about how ‘well-endowed’ he was as a writer, at which point the stranger at the bar suddenly interjected: ‘He wasn’t well-endowed in the other sense, I’m afraid.’

It was never established whether he was referring to Evelyn’s private parts or to the fact that he never had any money and Alastair was always having to bail him out.

When the television series Brideshead Revisited aired, Fallowell returned to New Quay, knocked on Alastair’s door and asked him out to dinner. Alastair replied that he’d had a stroke and was ‘not fit to be seen!’

He could not remember anything, he said, it was all so long ago, then remarked, somewhat cryptically: ‘He was older than me, you know.’

Alastair Graham died the next year, taking his secrets with him.

© Philip Eade 2016

Extracted from Evelyn Waugh: A Life Revisited, by Philip Eade, which is published by Weidenfeld & Nicolson, priced £30, on July 7. To pre-order a copy at the offer price of £24 (a 20 per cent discount) until April 17, call 0844 571 0640 or visit mailbookshop.co.uk. P&P is free.

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Three heroes of conservationism

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The Destruction of the Country House' exhibition held at the V&A in 1974.
3 November 2005 – 12 February 2006
Curator: Marcus Binney, President of SAVE Britain’s Heritage

This exhibition celebrated the 30th anniversary of the founding of
SAVE, a campaigning body working to save Britain’s architectural heritage.

The birth of SAVE was sparked by the immense publicity generated by the now legendary exhibition 'The Destruction of the Country House' held at the V&A in 1974. The exhibition’s Hall of Destruction was a fantasy of tumbling columns illustrating a selection of over 1,000 historic country houses demolished over the preceding century. In 1955 one house was demolished every five days. Such was the concern generated by the exhibition that from 1975 demolition of historic country houses came to a virtual halt. A sample of some of the success stories can be seen below.



Denying victory to the vandals
Marcus Binney looks back on a 30-year campaign to prevent the wilful destruction of fine houses by misguided officialdom
From The Times
November 18, 2005

THERE are few more provoking sights than a decent house abandoned and left to rot, whether it’s a grand country mansion or a simple terraced house. The battle to save such buildings is as urgent today as when I and a group of contemporaries set up SAVE Britain’s Heritage 30 years ago. That struggle is relevant because John Prescott and his minions are bent on destroying 160,000 terraced houses in the North of England and the Midlands. They are bamboozling people out of their homes on the say-so of a ten-minute inspection by a surveyor (at times unqualified) who often does not even look inside. These are houses that some couples have lived in for 40 years or more and hoped to die in, and which are excellent starter homes for the young.
SAVE began with a campaign to preserve an entire listed railway village at Bletchley, Buckinghamshire. Outrageously, we lost (and this was in 1975, the so-called European Architectural Heritage Year) but soon after we helped to secure a reprieve for all the pretty, pink brick houses in the early railway village at Derby, as well as a handsome Regency terrace of 29 houses, Shepherdess Walk in Hackney, which local councillors were determined to demolish.
SAVE grew out of a V&A exhibition, The Destruction of the Country House, which John Harris and I organised for Sir Roy Strong in 1974. For this we had compiled a list of no fewer than 1,116 notable country houses demolished in Britain in the preceding century. The ensuing furore brought demolitions to an almost complete halt, but we soon found that there were not just dozens, but hundreds, of interesting country houses standing empty or under threat.
One of our press releases quoted in The Times resoundingly condemned Baroness Birk, the minister responsible for listed buildings, for giving permission to demolish two thirds of Brough Hall in North Yorkshire, a lovely Elizabethan and Palladian house, to make it more “manageable” to restore. Lady Birk was soaring off to the Caribbean on Christmas Eve when she read the article and at once demanded, we heard later, that the plane should turn back.
When we published Tomorrow’s Ruins, our first report on country houses in need of new owners and new uses, we included a small section on fine listed country houses which were for sale. A Norfolk newspaper unfortunately published a picture of one of these, the immaculate East Barsham Manor, under a headline suggesting that it was falling into ruin. The next day I received a stern telephone call from the affronted Scandinavian lady owner saying: “Watch out, Mr Binney, or you will soon be one of tomorrow’s ruins yourself.”
For years it was an almost impossible task to get government and local authorities to do anything to stop wilful decay by eccentric or maverick owners. Sir John Soane’s Pell Wall in Shropshire was actually set on fire by its owner.
Mavisbank, a beautiful Baroque villa just south of Edinburgh, belonged to a monstrous man who had surrounded it with abandoned cars and caravans with the evident purpose of making it such an eyesore that he would win permission to build all over the large park. One morning we received a call saying a Dangerous Structure Notice had been issued and Mavisbank would be demolished in 24 hours. The only hope lay in an emergency hearing in the sheriff court. We promptly put up £500 to support a court action and won the necessary reprieve.
Grange Park in Hampshire, now an aspiring rival to Glyndebourne with its summer season of opera, was another target. When Lord Ashburton (or “Basher” Baring, as he was known in the 1970s) agreed to halt demolition of the house, he went one better and handed it over to the Government as an ancient monument. Yet four years later the house was still falling down, thanks to a particular civil servant who had determined that not a penny of public money should be spent on repairs. We obtained a copy of the guardianship deed in which the Secretary of State solemnly undertook to repair the house and open it to the public. Fat hope! But when our solicitors got fed up with prevaricating answers and said that we would issue next day a writ of mandamus, an order to make a minister do what statute obliges him to do, ministers caved in and the Parthenon-like Greek Doric portico was restored to its original splendour.
No case was more challenging than the 18th-century Barlaston Hall in Staffordshire by Sir Robert Taylor, the architect on whom I had written my dissertation at Cambridge. The chairman of Wedgwood, Sir Arthur Bryan, had taken against the house, which stood on an estate that the company had chosen as the site for its new model factory, boarded the windows up and let the rain pour through the roof. Finally, at the second public inquiry into demolition, Wedgwood’s QC challenged the opposition to buy the house for £1 and restore it ourselves. SAVE promptly took up the challenge and the inspector proffered the 10p deposit.
Over 30 years SAVE’s aim has been not just to protest, but to propose practical solutions. Fine old buildings do not need to be dependants on the state but can be good investments. The best solution in many cases is for them to be restored — or converted — for people to live in.


Marcus Binney

Marcus Hugh Crofton Binney is the son of Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Francis Crofton Simms MC and his wife, Sonia (née Beresford Whyte). His father was held as a prisoner of war in Italy during the Second World War. His mother worked in code-breaking. Following his father's death and his mother's remarriage to Sir George Binney (DSO) in 1955, Marcus took his stepfather's surname.

Binney was educated at Eton College and read history of art at the University of Cambridge. The architect Walter Ison was a family friend, who encouraged the young Binney to study Sir Robert Taylor for his PhD.

Binney married The Hon. Sara Anne Vanneck, daughter of Sir Gerald Charles Arcedeckne Vanneck, 6th Baron Huntingfield, on 23 August 1966. They were divorced in 1976.[1] She died in 1979. Binney has since remarried to Anne (née Hills).

Binney has two children: Francis Charles Thomas Binney and Christopher George Crofton Binney, a marine biologist and a chef respectively.

Binney was a co-curator of the Destruction of the Country House exhibition, held at the V&A in 1974, with Roy Strong and John Harris, which gave impetus to the movement to conserve British country houses. He was a driving force behind the foundation of SAVE Britain's Heritage (SAVE) the following year, and remains its president. SAVE is devoted to the salvation of Britain's architectural heritage and retention of such buildings for the nation. It campaigns for the preservation and reuse of endangered historic buildings, placing particular emphasis on finding new uses for them.

In 1975 he was awarded the London Conservation Medal. He was also involved in the foundation of the Railway Heritage Trust and the Thirties Society, and SAVE Jersey's Heritage, was made an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Institute of British Architects in 2004, and has been a vice-president of the Ulster Architectural Heritage Society since 2005.

Binney was instrumental in saving Calke Abbey and its contents for the nation in 1984; he had highlighted and publicised the loss to the nation of such historic houses following the failure of SAVE's attempts to preserve Mentmore Towers, a decade earlier.

He also writes widely on the conservation of the built environment. From 1977 until 1984 he was Architectural Editor of the British Country Life magazine. He served as Editor from 1984 to 1986 and continues to contribute articles to the magazine. He has been the architectural correspondent of The Times since 1991. He was founding Chairman of Heritage Link in 2002.

Binney is also the author of numerous books, mostly concerned with the preservation of Britain's architectural heritage; while many of these can be typified by such titles as "The Country House: To Be or Not to Be" and "Re-use of Industrial Buildings" he has also written books dealing with the experiences of those involved in secret operations during World War II, such as "Secret War Heroes: The Men of Special Operations" and "The Women Who Lived for Danger". He has lectured on architecture in the USA, and narrated a 39-part television series "Mansions: The Great Houses of Europe" from 1993 to 1997, broadcast widely in North America, the Middle East and the Far East.

In recognition of his services to conservation and Britain's heritage, he was awarded an OBE in 1983, and advanced to CBE in 2006.



John Frederick Harris

John Frederick Harris OBE (1931- ) is an English curator, historian of architecture, gardens and architectural drawings, and the author of more than 25 books and catalogues, and 200 articles. He is a Fellow and Curator Emeritus of the Drawings Collection of the Royal Institute of British Architects, founding Trustee of SAVE Britain's Heritage and SAVE Europe's Heritage, and founding member and Honorary Life President of the International Confederation of Architectural Museums.

John Harris left school at the age of 14 in 1946. He travelled and took on miscellaneous jobs, before starting his proper career in 1954 working in an antiques shop, Collin and Winslow. In 1956 he joined the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) Library and Drawings Collection in London, becoming curator of its British Architectural Library's Drawings Collection from 1960-86. This included the establishment in 1972 of a permanent home for the Drawings Collection in the James Adam designed house at 21 Portman Square (moved to the V&A Henry Cole Wing in 2002), next door to and sharing with the Courtauld Institute at Home House, 20 Portman Square (moved to Somerset House in 1989). Harris founded and organised 42 exhibitions at the Heinz Gallery, on the ground floor of 21 Portman Square, opened in 1972, designed by Stefan Buzas and Alan Irvine, given by Mr and Mrs Henry J Heinz II, being the first purpose built gallery for the display of architectural drawings in the English speaking world. The Gallery was purchased in 2000 by the Irish Architectural Archive and moved in 2003-4 to the ground floor of their relocated premises at 45 Merrion Square, Dublin, which opened to the public in 2005. RIBA's Drawings Collection Gallery was re-established in 2004 as part of the joint V&A and RIBA Architecture Partnership, creating the Architecture Gallery in Room 128 at the V&A.

Harris was a co-curator of the seminal Destruction of the Country House exhibition held at the V&A in 1974, with Sir Roy Strong and Marcus Binney, which gave impetus to the movement to conserve British country houses and the founding in 1975 of SAVE Britain's Heritage. He was editor of Studies in Architecture 1976-99. In 1996 he was a visiting scholar at the Getty Research Center, Getty Villa , Santa Monica. Harris also played a crucial role in the establishment of the Canadian Centre for Architecture in Montreal and the Heinz Architecture Centre in the Carnegie Museum of Art, Pittsburgh. He was a member for ten years of Mr Paul Mellon’s London Acquisitions Committee. Harris worked on the Victoria and Albert Primary Galleries Project (1996–2001). He has been on the Board of Trustees of The Architecture Foundation. He is a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London. He is an expert on Palladian architecture, and has written about, among many others, Lord Burlington, William Kent and Sir William Chambers.

Harris is married to American historian and author Dr Eileen Harris (from circa 1961), has a son, Lucian, and a daughter, Georgina, and lives in London and Badminton, Gloucestershire.


Sir Roy Colin Strong

Sir Roy Colin Strong FRSL (born 23 August 1935) is an English art historian, museum curator, writer, broadcaster and landscape designer. He has been director of both the National Portrait Gallery and the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. He was knighted in 1982.

He became assistant keeper of the National Portrait Gallery in 1959, and was its director 1967-73: Sir Roy came to prominence at age 32 when he became the youngest director of the National Portrait Gallery. He set about transforming its conservative image with a series of extrovert shows, including "600 Cecil Beaton portraits 1928-1968." Dedicated to the culture of the 1960s and 1970s, Sir Roy went on to wow audiences at the V&A in 1974 with his collection of fedora hats, kipper ties and maxi coats. By regularly introducing new exhibitions he doubled attendance.

Reflecting on his time as director of the National Portrait Gallery, Sir Roy Strong pinpoints the exhibition "Beaton Portraits 1928-1968" as a turning point in the gallery’s history. Strong chose fashion photographer Cecil Beaton as a catalyst for change says much about the glamour and appeal of the photographer’s work. But even so, it seems unlikely that anyone could have predicted the sheer scale of the exhibition’s success. "The public flocked to the exhibition and its run was extended twice. The queues to get in made national news. The Gallery had arrived", Strong wrote in the catalogue to Beaton Portraits, the more recent exhibition of Beaton that ran at the gallery until 31 May 2004.
In 1973, aged 39, he became the youngest director of the Victoria and Albert Museum (V&A), London. In his tenure, until 1987, he presided over its The Destruction of the Country House (1974, with Marcus Binney and John Harris), Change and Decay: the future of our churches (1977), and The Garden: a Celebration of a Thousand Years of British Gardening (1979), all of which have been credited with boosting their conservationist agendas. In 1980, "he was awarded the prestigious Shakespeare Prize by the FVS Foundation of Hamburg in recognition of his contribution to the arts in the UK."




After she'd gone

Historian Roy Strong and his wife Julia made a garden that represented their personalities - and their marriage, he writes. When she died, how was he to carry on?
The Guardian, Saturday 21 October 2006

I never warmed to Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson. They always stuck in my mind as condescending snobs - that feeling fortified by the memory of being snubbed by Nicolson when I was a young man. And yet, in the past three years, I've felt a curious sense of identity with them, for Vita died six years before Harold. Some years ago, I recall editing my hostile view of them on reading an article by the garden designer John Brookes, describing Harold sitting on a garden bench weeping at her loss. With that I can wholly identify.
For 30 years, my late wife, the film, television and theatre designer Julia Trevelyan Oman, and I worked together making the Laskett garden. I have written about this in a book published the week she died, three years ago. As far as I know, Harold never wrote about what he did to Sissinghurst after Vita was no more, but in the case of the Laskett, I most certainly can.
Julia had been brought up to garden, but I hadn't. By some miracle, however, furor hortensis seized me within weeks of acquiring the house, and complete madness set in when the farmer no longer wanted the adjacent three-acre field. That was when delusions of grandeur took over and we struck out to make a huge country house garden.
Although Julia was by profession a distinguished designer, it was I who planned the layout with its many enclosures and vistas. Julia did much of the planting, with a feeling for naturalistic drifts and a close focus approach that was at variance with my bold strokes yet, at the same time, complementary.
The garden was always divided into "his" and "hers" areas: Julia's naturalistic, or concerned with produce in the orchard or kitchen garden; mine with the formal enclosures, parterres, knots, topiary and architectural elements. We never quarrelled over the garden - or, come to that, over anything, really. But Julia was parsimonious, whereas I can be somewhat prodigal, so I always had to conceal, for example, that I'd bought a statue or urn.
A garden may be a happy repository of memory, but what it most forcefully tells you is to move on. In a "his and hers" garden, the problem after Julia died was how to cope with the areas that were wholly hers. Julia was always the better plants person and, in that instance, I was lucky, for Shaun, our wonderful gardener, has a genuine flair for naturalistic and wild planting. He is also deeply respectful of my wife's passions: her snowdrop, pulmonaria, apple and crab apple collections. Much to my relief, he took on the kitchen garden in which Julia had laboured every evening in spring and summer. Even in the first year after her death, it looked ravishing. Shaun had scattered through flowers - dahlias, nasturtiums, cornflowers and tobacco plants - as well as growing a wide variety of squashes just for the beauty of their leaves and fruit. I give him free rein to buy plants, and together we order the bulbs each year, a task that Julia always performed.
So far so good, but marriage is a compromise, and inevitably when one half has gone there is a shift. I suppose that might be summed up in our case as a perpetual battle between clarity and clutter. Julia loved being embowered. The windowsills were covered in plants spiralling upwards, so you could hardly see out. The house was hidden behind a yew hedge and approached not from the front but the side. The paths she had laid were narrow, allowing abundant planting, but making passage through any area an obstacle course. My own instincts were always towards clarity and, above all, opening up the dialogue between the house and the garden. And that - initially tentatively, then latterly quite brusquely - is what I have done. The yew hedge was demolished and a new approach made so that the facade can be seen head-on across the knot garden. Stunning.
There's a new herb garden being made, and an ongoing programme with an arboriculturist. Thirty years on, you have to take stock. Conifers put in when 3ft high are now soaring up 60 or 100ft. One or two have turned their toes up. So we began thinning what was overplanted, something Julia would never have let me do. But now that the light pours in, plants can thrive, and some very beautiful and unexpected new garden vistas have been revealed.
It has also made me think about the garden's fate. I'm in my 72nd year and I'm not immortal. Julia and I had always wished that a wider public could enjoy our life's work. Both of us also felt that we did not want it to be a mummified shrine, but to continue to grow and change. With it would go some 60 volumes of archive, recording its complete history in hundreds, if not thousands, of photos, plans and invoices. To my great delight, I've alighted upon just the right trust to pass it on to. With the garden's future in place and, with luck, quite a stretch of time ahead, I can now apply my creative energies to making this garden even more magical than I believe it already is.

Sir Philip Sassoon

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Sassoon was a member of the prominent Jewish Sassoon family and Rothschild family. He was born in his mother's mansion on Avenue de Marigny, Paris. His father was Sir Edward Albert Sassoon, 2nd Baronet, MP, son of Albert Abdullah David Sassoon; his mother was Aline Caroline, daughter of Gustave Samuel de Rothschild. His sister was Sybil Sassoon, who married the Marquess of Cholmondeley. He was a cousin of the war poet Siegfried Sassoon. He was descended from the banking family of Frankfurt. When aged only nineteen years old his great-grandfather, James Rothschild was sent to Paris to set up the family business in France. James became wealthy. When he died in 1868 he was buried in Père Lachaise Cemetery. His branch of the Sassoon-Rothschild family kept the Jewish faith, donated to Jewish charities and founded synagogues.

His great-grandfather David Sassoon had been imprisoned in Baghdad in 1828, and in 1832 he established his business David Sassoon & Co. at Bombay. He took advantage of British rule to return to Baghdad to trade. The family eventually established a Head Office at Leadenhall Street, London and another in Manchester. The Sassoons became assimilated Jews, dressing, acting and thinking like Englishmen. The Sassoon Brothers, David and Albert were friends of the Prince of Wales, built the 'Black Horse' brand. The business came with a baronetcy of Kensington Gore. His father bought Shorncliffe Lodge, where his cousin Mayer Rothschild was the MP. His father was not a successful backbencher, but the political influences had a profound effect on young Philip.

He was educated at Farnborough Prep school and Eton before going up to Oxford. Old Etonian Arthur Balfour recommended the Debating Society to him. His father was also friendly with Frances Horner, wife of Sir John Horner, a longtime friend of Gladstone who lived at Mells Manor in Somerset. His house master was a member of the secret society of liberals, the Young Apostles. Also a near contemporary was Osbert Sitwell, the Yorkshireman and author. A French scholar, he learned the language doing classes at Windsor Castle. Sassoon was taught aesthetics by Henry Luxmoore giving an insight into philosophy and social realism. However he chose to read Modern History at Christ Church, Oxford. He was one of only 25 Jewish undergraduates, but was invited to join the Bullingdon Club. He joined the East Kent Yeomanry while still at Oxford and was commissioned as a second lieutenant.

Philip Sassoon entered Parliament in 1912.

Sassoon served as private secretary to Field Marshal Haig during the First World War from 1915-1918. Sassoon was present at the meeting on the First of December 1914 at the Chateau Demont at Merville in France, when King George V and Edward Prince of Wales met with Poincare, President of France, and the Generals Joffre, Foch and Rawlinson. The allies showed their determination to fight Germany and the Central Powers. Because of his "numerous social and political connections" Sassoon, at that time a Second Lieutenant in the Royal East Kent Yeomanry, was in attendance. A square bronze plaque commemorating the occasion was auctioned in 2012.

Political caree

He was Member of Parliament (MP) for Hythe from 1912, succeeding his father, initially as the "Baby of the House". He was Parliamentary Private Secretary to David Lloyd George in 1920. Between 1924 and 1929 and again from 1931 until 1937 he served as Under-Secretary of State for Air, and gained much prominence in political circles. He was appointed a Privy Councillor in the 1929 Dissolution Honours. In 1937 he became First Commissioner of Works, a post which he held until his death, aged fifty, two years later.





Trent Park
He had a reputation for being one of the greatest hosts in Britain. Herbert Baker designed one house for him in 1912, Port Lympne, later the Port Lympne Wild Animal Park, in Kent, and Philip Tilden largely re-built another at Trent Park, Cockfosters, from 1923. Stylistic differences between the two houses illustrate changes in taste among members of British high society of the period. Trent Park possessed a landscape designed by Humphrey Repton but the existing house was Victorian and undistinguished. Sassoon and his designers turned it into one of the houses of the age, "a dream of another world - the white-coated footmen serving endless courses of rich but delicious food, the Duke of York coming in from golf... Winston Churchill arguing over the teacups with George Bernard Shaw, Lord Balfour dozing in an armchair, Rex Whistler absorbed in his painting... while Philip himself flitted from group to group, an alert, watchful, influential but unobtrusive stage director - all set against a background of mingled luxury, simplicity and informality, brilliantly contrived...’ This atmosphere, as Clive Aslet has suggested, represented a complete about-face from Sassoon's earlier extravagance at Port Lympne to what Aslet called "an appreciation of English reserve." In the words of Christopher Hussey, at Trent Sassoon caught "that indefinable and elusive quality, the spirit of a country house... an essence of cool, flowery, chintzy, elegant, unobtrusive rooms that rises in the mind when we are thinking of country houses."




Port Lympne Mansion
Neither the eye-popping interiors nor the extravagant gardens at Port Lympne Mansion could be described as in any way "reserved", or even "English". Mark Girouard has written of the "quiet good taste expected of a country gentleman" against which Philip may have chafed in his younger years, apparently torn between the standards of Country Life and Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer. His Ballets Russes-inspired dining room at Port Lympne with its lapis walls, opalescent ceiling, gilt-winged chairs with jade-green cushions, all surmounted by a frieze of scantily-clad Africans, suggests the outsider confidence of a Rothschild and of an openly gay man. Philip Tilden added a bachelor's wing with Moorish courtyard, which Lady Honor Channon, (wife of Chips), unkindly likened to a Spanish brothel, to accommodate young airmen from nearby Romney Marsh flying field - among his other enthusiasms, Sir Philip was himself an aviator - and Tilden's twin swimming pools and monumentally classical garden staircase were in much the same theatrical spirit.


One frequent guest was Lawrence of Arabia.





Charmed Life by Damian Collins review – the phenomenal world of Philip Sassoon
The politician, arts patron, aviator and lavish host who called himself a ‘worthless loon’ is brought fluently to life

Richard Davenport-Hines
Sat 31 Dec 2016 07.30 GMT Last modified on Thu 22 Feb 2018 14.58 GMT

Sir Philip Sassoon said that he might have been interesting had he slept with Michelangelo’s male muse Cavalieri or invented the wireless instead of Marconi. He would not have felt such “a worthless loon”, he added, if he had painted Velázquez’s court painting Las Meninas or written Wuthering Heights. These hankerings show the essence of the man: a classy aesthete, with a love of big names and modern gadgets.

Despite his self-deprecation, though, Sassoon had a fulfilling life. In 1912, in his early 20s, he inherited a fortune with a baronetcy, and was elected as Conservative MP for Hythe – a constituency that, in the 1920s, his political opponents did not even bother to contest. In 1915 Field Marshal Haig, commander-in-chief of British armies on the western front, selected him as his private secretary. A few years later the prime minister, David Lloyd George, appointed him as his political secretary. He held interesting government posts during most of the interwar years.

Haig quipped that in recruiting Sassoon to his staff, he had attached a first-class dining car to his train. It is as a host with superb French chefs that Sassoon is remembered most. He liked to buy people’s friendships, to receive them in surroundings that he had beautified, and to embellish himself. Even as an Eton boy he gave ruby shirt studs and diamond cufflinks to other pupils. Thereafter he spent his wealth in ceaseless coddling of the English governing classes.

Sassoon’s mother was a Rothschild; he was born in her family’s Paris mansion in 1888. His paternal ancestors had amassed their booty as merchants in boomtown Bombay, trading in silver, gold, silks, opium, spices and cotton. After settling in the UK, the Sassoons ingratiated themselves with the Prince of Wales, afterwards Edward VII. They fed his appetite for advance and confidential news, entertained him in their palatial houses and abetted his gambling sprees.

Max Beerbohm drew a cartoon of Sassoon as a newly elected MP, looking demure and outlandish on the Commons benches among beefy, booming, rubicund Tories. Yet as a politician he soon proved to be a fluke success. He had a faultless memory for facts and figures, and was a businesslike speaker who never needed notes. Although he tried to suppress flamboyance, he nevertheless had, as one Labour MP said, the air of having wafted into parliament on a magic carpet. He was politically ambitious, “as clever as a cartload of monkeys”, and an inveterate flatterer of men in power.

In parliament he was the advocate of aviation. He bought his own aircraft in 1919, and used it in the way that poorer people ran their motor cars. As undersecretary in the air ministry, he promoted civilian air travel, and particularly the routes and airfields that ran from Britain through the Middle East to India. His book The Third Route – a mixture of technical flying manifesto and sprightly, observant travelogue – is as eloquent as anything written by his cousin Siegfried Sassoon (with whom his relations were mutually mistrustful).

The trajectory of Philip’s career was set by his homes. He inherited a sumptuously plutocratic London house, 25 Park Lane. His weekly political luncheons there were called “cabinet lunches”, because ministers came direct from the morning cabinet meetings in Downing Street. The oriental luxuries of the house made Neville Chamberlain compare Sassoon to the Count of Monte Cristo – before appointing him as a minister just below cabinet rank in his government.

In addition, Sassoon built a sybaritic mansion called Port Lympne on a high site in Kent overlooking Romney Marsh and the Channel. It was a unique building, Italianate and Moorish in its influence, built for a voluptuary of the senses who wanted his rooms to be a rapturous medley of strong, exotic colours and filled with the luscious fragrance of flowers. The formal grounds at Port Lympne were like a Hollywood version of Tuscany.

Sassoon transformed his third house, Trent Park, near Cockfosters in north London, from a mauve and black bricked Victorian mansion into a masterpiece of rose-red brick expressing the Palladian calm of the Enlightenment. It resembled the seat of a philosophically minded 18th-century statesman, except for its golf course and airstrip. At Trent, platoons of footmen in red cummerbunds attended the weekend parties for politicians, royalty, sportsmen, authors and artists.

 Brilliant personalities, such as Winston Churchill, attracted Sassoon … Churchill in the cabinet room at No 10 during the war.
 Brilliant personalities, such as Winston Churchill, attracted Sassoon … Churchill in the cabinet room at No 10 during the war. Photograph: IWM via Getty Images
Brilliant personalities, such as Churchill, attracted Sassoon. He idolised the Prince of Wales, but as they were both spoilt and snappish men, they often bickered. He supported the “King’s party” during the abdication crisis of 1936, and was implicated in Churchill’s botched attempts to keep the rackety monarch on his throne. Unlike Churchill, he wanted international peace at any cost, and convinced himself that Hitler’s promises were dependable.

Sassoon shone as a patron of the arts and bought rare objects with discrimination, displaying them with flair. He used his connoisseurship as chairman of the National Gallery, as a trustee of the Tate and as first commissioner of works.

 Sassoon spoke with a clipped sibilant lisp, and liked to relax in a blue silk smoking jacket with slippers of zebra hide
Sassoon enjoyed witty gossip, but was never spiteful. He spoke with a clipped sibilant lisp, and liked to relax in a blue silk smoking jacket with slippers of zebra hide. He had fickle, moody fascinations with young men with whom he soon grew bored, but was loyally appreciative of female friends and kept an inner court of elderly, cultivated, ironical bachelors. His sexuality was central to his character and activities, but there is never any hint of sexual activity in the many memories of him. One hates to think that he was as sublimated as he sounds. His restlessness and fatalism, which were notorious among his friends, killed him at the age of 50 in 1939: although his physicians ordered bed rest after a viral infection, he hurtled about in unnecessary gaieties until his body was beyond recovery.

Damian Collins is the Conservative MP for Hythe. He has written an elegant, playful and fluent book about his predecessor. It is widely researched, canny in its political insights, sympathetic but not syrupy about Sassoon’s glamour. Puritans will resent his privileges and cavalier grace, but many readers will enjoy his resilient and dashing brand of razzle-dazzle.



Violet Trefusis and Vita Sackville-West . Portrait of more than a Marriage.

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 Born Violet Keppel, she was the daughter of Alice Keppel, later a mistress of King Edward VII of the United Kingdom, and her husband, the Hon. George Keppel, a son of the 7th Earl of Albemarle. But members of the Keppel family thought her biological father was William Beckett, subsequently 2nd Baron Grimthorpe, a banker and MP for Whitby.

Violet lived her early youth in London, where the Keppel family had a house in Portman Square. When she was four years old, her mother became the favourite mistress of Albert Edward ("Bertie"), the Prince of Wales, who succeeded to the throne as King Edward VII on 22 January 1901. He paid visits to the Keppel household in the afternoon around tea-time on a regular basis until the end of his life in 1910. (George Keppel, who was aware of the affair, was conveniently absent at these times.

In 1900 Violet's only sibling, Sonia, was born (Sonia is the grandmother of Camilla, Duchess of Cornwall, and Violet was her great-aunt).


 Trefusis is best remembered today for her love affair with the wealthy Vita Sackville-West. Virginia Woolf described this by analogy in her novel Orlando. In this romanticized biography of Vita, Trefusis is represented by the Russian princess Sasha.

The two women both wrote fictional accounts that referred to this love affair (Challenge by Sackville-West and Broderie Anglaise a roman à clef in French by Trefusis). Sackville-West's son Nigel Nicolson wrote the non-fiction Portrait of a Marriage, based on material from his mother's letters, and adding extensive "clarifications," including some of his father's point of view. Such works explored other aspects of the affair. Trefusis was also featured as a pivotal fictional character in other novels, including as "Lady Montdore" in Nancy Mitford's Love in a Cold Climate and "Muriel" in Harold Acton's The Soul's Gymnasium.

Each of the participants left extensive written accounts in surviving letters and diaries. Alice Keppel, Victoria Sackville-West, Harold Nicolson, Denys Trefusis and Pat Dansey also left documents that referred to the affair.

Diana Souhami's Mrs Keppel and her Daughter (1997) provides an overview of the affair and of the main actors in the drama. When Violet was 10, she met Vita (who was two years older) for the first time. After that, they attended the same school for several years and soon recognised a bond between them. When Violet was 14, she confessed her love to Vita and gave her a ring. In 1910, after the death of Edward VII, Mrs Keppel made her family observe a "discretion" leave of about two years before re-establishing themselves in British society. When they returned to London, the Keppels moved to a house in Grosvenor Street. At that time, Violet learned that Vita was soon to be engaged to Harold Nicolson and was involved in an affair with Rosamund Grosvenor. Violet made it clear that she still loved Vita, but became engaged to make Vita jealous. This did not stop Vita from marrying Harold (in October 1913), nor did he curtail his own homosexual adventures after marriage.

In April 1918, Violet and Vita refreshed and intensified their bond. Vita had two sons by then, but she left them in the care of others while she and Violet took a holiday in Cornwall. Meanwhile, Mrs Keppel was busy arranging a marriage for Violet with Denys Robert Trefusis (1890–1929), son of Colonel Hon. John Schomberg Trefusis (son of the 19th Baron Clinton) and Eva Louisa Bontein. A few days after the armistice, Violet and Vita went to France for several months. Because of Vita's exclusive claim, and her own loathing of marriage, Violet made Denys promise never to have sex with her as a condition for marriage. He apparently agreed as, on 16 June 1919, they married. At the end of that year, Violet and Vita made a new two-month excursion to France: ordered to do so by his mother-in-law, Denys retrieved Violet from the south of France when new gossip about her and Sackville-West's loose behaviour began to reach London. The next time they left, in February 1920, was to be the final elopement. Sackville-West might still have had some doubts and probably hoped that Harold would interfere. Harold and Denys pursued the women, flying to France in a two-seater airplane. The couples had heated scenes in Amiens.

The climax came when Harold told Vita that Violet had been unfaithful to her (with Denys). Violet tried to explain and assured Vita of her innocence (which was in all likelihood true). Vita was much too angry and upset to listen, and fled saying she couldn't bear to see Violet for at least two months. Six weeks later Vita returned to France to meet Violet. Mrs Keppel desperately tried to keep the scandal away from London, where Violet's sister, Sonia, was about to be married (to Roland Cubitt). Violet spent much of 1920 abroad, clinging desperately to Vita via continuous letters. In January 1921, Vita and Violet made a final journey to France, where they spent six weeks together. At this time, Harold threatened to break off the marriage if Vita continued her escapades. When Vita returned to England in March, it was practically the end of the affair. Violet was sent to Italy; and, from there she wrote her last desperate letters to their mutual friend Pat Dansey, having been forbidden from writing directly to Vita. At the end of the year, Violet had to face the facts and start to build her life from scratch.

The two former lovers met again in 1940, after the progress of World War II forced Trefusis to return to England. The women continued to keep in touch and send each other affectionate letters.




Vita Sackville-West's erotic verse to her lover emerges from 'intoxicating night'
Scholar finds writer's poem to mistress Violet Trefusis as it falls out of book during conservation work at her Sissinghurst home
Maev Kennedy

Mon 29 Apr 2013 21.24 BST First published on Mon 29 Apr 2013 21.24 BST

When Vita Sackville-West married the diplomat Sir Harold Nicolson in the chapel of the palatial family home at Knole in Kent in 1913, the society column-writers enthused over the 21-year-old bride's beauty and her magnificent wedding gown. But as a poem going on display this week for the first time makes clear, there was more to the marriage than a conventional fairytale romance.

Sackville-West's erotic verse, written in French to her lover Violet Trefusis and translated by Harvey James, the scholar who found it, contrasts daytime strolls through floral meadows with "intoxicating night" when "I search on your lip for a madder caress/ I tear secrets from your yielding flesh."

Nicolson and Sackville-West went on to create one of the most famous gardens in England at their home at Sissinghurst Castle in Kent, now, like Knole, in the care of the National Trust, but both had many same-sex affairs during their long marriage, which only ended with her death in 1962.

Their tangled love life overlapped with the Bloomsbury Group of writers and artists. Sackville-West's most famous affair was with Virginia Woolf, who immortalised their relationship and her family background in the 1928 novel Orlando.

Knole, said to have a room for every day of the year, including one with silver furniture, was lost to an uncle because Sackville-West's parents had not produced a son – a loss Nigel Nicolson, who wrote a classic account of his parents in his book Portrait of a Marriage, described as the tragedy of her life.

Sackville-West also wrote extensively and the poem, which fell out of a bookin her writing room at Sissinghurst as her library was being catalogued, was written just five years after her marriage, when her on-off affair with Trefusis resumed. Trefusis, daughter of Alice Keppel, the lover of King Edward VII, also had literary pretensions, and described how her lover's "profound, hereditary Sackville eyes were as pools from which the morning mists had lifted".

The poem was only found in February by James, a bookmark in a gift from Trefusis. "It literally just fell out from between the pages of an old book that was being catalogued as part of our conservation work. It's a really poignant reminder of the challenges and crises that Vita and Harold's relationship endured," he said.

The garden has been open to visitors since 1 May 1938, and on Wednesday, the anniversary, visitors will again pay just 5p – worth far less than when Sackville-West called her visitors the "shillingses".

The family heirlooms displayed for the first time have been lent by her grandchildren, novelist and historian Juliet and Adam Nicolson. Only the skirt survives of the sumptuous wedding gown, which was described by the Lady's Pictorial as "'the colour like the tassel of Indian corn, the silk shimmering bright like the silk on the cocoon".

The wedding outfit was made by Reville & Rossiter, whose clientele included Queen Mary. Her trousseau also included a dress by one of the most important and influential designers of the day, Mariano Fortuny, whose pleated silk gowns transformed Edwardian women into Grecian goddesses.

Juliet Nicolson has transcribed some of her great-grandmother's journals for the exhibition, recording the fabulous expense of the wedding: they went with Nicolson to choose the ring and inspected "over 100 emerald and d[iamond] rings" before he settled on "a lovely one" for £185. On 14 October she settled the bill at Reville & Rossiter, "nearly £400, the wedding dress cost 50 guineas".

The exhibition, along with one on the creation of the garden, whose quintessentially English style remains influential, runs until the end of October.

Lost poem
When sometimes I stroll in silence, with you
Through great floral meadows of open country
I listen to your chatter, and give thanks to the gods
For the honest friendship, which made you my companion
But in the heavy fragrance of intoxicating night
I search on your lip for a madder caress
I tear secrets from your yielding flesh
Giving thanks to the fate which made you my mistress

• Courtesy of the beneficiaries of the Literary Estate of Vita Sackville-West, 2013





Behind the Mask: The Life of Vita Sackville-West review – a catalogue of sexual conquests
No salacious detail of her love affairs is spared in an infuriating new life of Vita Sackville-West, the first new biography in 30 years

Rachel Cooke
 @msrachelcooke
Sun 12 Oct 2014 08.00 BST Last modified on Thu 22 Mar 2018 00.21 GMT

Vita Sackville-West, the writer and gardener extraordinaire, grew up at Knole in Kent, a house that resembled “a medieval village with its square turrets and its grey walls, its hundred chimneys sending blue threads up into the air”. It is a self-contained but irredeemably grand building: now in the care of the National Trust, it is reputed to have a room for every day of the year. Sackville-West was deeply, cripplingly attached to it, perhaps for the simple, stubborn reason that it would never be hers (it would pass to a male heir). Down the years, Knole was first a shield – a perimeter wall over which those she disdained would never be able to climb – and then, once it was lost to her, a perpetual ache. Thanks to this, she grew up to be that most rare of creatures: a restive, questing woman who seemed always to be in search of a means of assuaging her loss, yet was also wholly herself, as easy in her skin as in her breeches and gardening boots.

The whiff of scandal, though, was there from the beginning, and sometimes it was in danger of turning into a stench. In 1910, when she was 18, her mother’s siblings launched a legal claim to the estate, one that would climax in a salacious court case (Vita’s mother, Victoria Sackville-West, was only the mistress of Knole because she had married her cousin, the third Lord Sackville; Victoria and her brothers and sisters were the illegitimate children of the second Lord Sackville). Three years later, another battle followed when the family of Victoria’s late lover, Sir John Murray Scott, challenged his will, accusing Lady Sackville-West of having used undue influence over him in order to secure a substantial legacy. Victoria triumphed on both occasions, but such public notoriety, you feel, also had its effect on her only child. Beneath Vita’s expansive, passionate nature ran a certain coolness. She was blithe, flexible, thick-skinned: as oblivious to the pain she caused others as to the gossip that inevitably trailed her.

In his new biography of Sackville-West, Matthew Dennison whizzes through her childhood and these court cases. His interest, in spite of the vague protestations he makes in the preface, seems to lie mostly in his subject’s sex life, a frisky business that was never going to be compromised by her marriage in 1913 to the writer and diplomat Harold Nicolson, who was gay. As a result, his narrative consists for the most part of a somewhat well-rehearsed catalogue of conquest, Vita’s béguins – this is his preferred term for the many women with whom she falls into bed – lined up one after the other in what quickly comes to resemble a kind of sapphic beauty pageant. The roll call begins in 1917 with Violet Keppel, the daughter of Edward VII’s mistress (“I know that when you fall into V’s hands your will becomes like a jellyfish addicted to cocaine,” wrote Harold, who couldn’t help wishing the manipulative Violet would simply drop dead); it ends with Alvilde Lees-Milne, the wife of the diarist James Lees-Milne. Along the way it takes in, among many others, Virginia Woolf; Hilda Matheson, a director of talks at the BBC; and Gwen St Aubyn, Vita’s sister-in-law. Faced with this seamless parade, the reader has little choice but to agree with another lover, the cruelly abandoned and unfortunately-named Olive Grinder, who wrote to Vita in 1932: “You do like to have your cake and eat it – and so many cakes, so many, a surfeit of sweet things.” There are times when the reader simply cannot tell these female confections apart. Poor Matheson stands out in the memory only because Vita charmingly likened her blue-stocking darling to “a strong purge… a hair shirt”.

You can see where this is going. Predictably, Dennison’s attention wanes dramatically after Vita, Harold and their two sons move to Sissinghurst Castle in 1930, the purchase of which did not go down terribly well with some of their friends (Harold’s lover, Raymond Mortimer, thought it “a gloomy place in hideous flat country, with commonplace cottages and no view”). Once they’re settled in and busy planting their hornbeams and climbing roses, his book starts to feel very much like a race to the end. The menopausal Vita, with her refusal to attend grand parties – “I hate the idea of being examined under electric lights,” she told Harold – and her “dark shadow of moustache” cannot match, for him, the young Vita, whose hooded eyes were feted, whose wedding dress was the same gold as “the tassel of Indian corn”. He touches on her drinking, the “muzzy moods” that came to worry Harold, only lightly. Ditto the staggering success and influence of the garden she created. He puts some effort into summarising her literary output, which was prodigious, reminding us along the way that she was briefly talked of as a future poet laureate (her reputation used to rest, somewhat uneasily, on her long poem, The Land; these days, if she is loved at all it is for her novel All Passion Spent, in which an elderly aristocratic widow finds new freedom in Hampstead). But his accounts are so uninspiring, so unwitty. In the end, what lingers in the memory is not this character or that plot, but the fact that Virginia and Leonard Woolf bought their Frigidaire on the back of the profits from Vita’s bestseller, The Edwardians, a novel they published at the Hogarth Press.

Dennison is an old-school biographer who begins at the beginning and ends at the end, and whose style is occasionally grandiloquent (his last subject was Queen Victoria, the life of whose youngest daughter, Beatrice, he has also written). But it wasn’t this that infuriated me as I read Behind the Mask. Nor was it his failures of psychology, weird though many of them are (Vita’s affair with Trefusis, he says, resembled “short-term schizophrenia”). Rather, it was simply that the information contained in his book is so obviously inadequate, so frequently incomplete. I need give only one example to make the point. What kind of biography of Vita Sackville-West, I wonder, refers to the suicide of Virginia Woolf in a single sentence? The only possible answer is a wholly deficient one. This friendship was one of the most significant of her life. Apart from anything else, it is clear (look at the letters) that Vita felt she might have been able to save her friend if only she’d known her state of mind (Woolf’s final novel, Between the Acts, can be seen as a farewell to her – a letter with a subtext that Vita singularly failed to grasp when she read it). Again and again, I found myself turning to my battered paperback of Victoria Glendinning’s Whitbread prize-winning biography of Sackville-West, the better to fill in the holes in Dennison’s doily. If you are going to write, as he has done, the first new life of Vita to appear in more than 30 years, it is, I feel, beholden on you to bring more to the biographical table, not vastly less.




 Portrait of a Marriage is a British television miniseries detailing the real-life love affair between Vita Sackville-West and Violet Keppel, as well as the strength of Vita's enduring marriage to the diplomat Harold Nicolson. Based on the biographical novel of the same name by Nigel Nicolson, it features Janet McTeer as Vita, and Cathryn Harrison as Violet.
The series was adapted by Penelope Mortimer, directed by Stephen Whittaker and produced by Colin Tucker. It was first aired on BBC Two in four parts in 1990; a three-part edited version aired in the United States on PBS in 1992 as part of the Masterpiece Theatre strand.



Portrait of a Marriage: Vita Sackville-West and Harold Nicolson is the 1973 biography of writer and gardener Vita Sackville-West compiled by her son Nigel Nicolson from her journals and letters.
The book relates to Sackville-West's complicated marriage to writer and politician Harold Nicolson. Two chapters are written by Sackville-West. They are centred on herself and her passion for Violet Trefusis for whom she abandoned Harold Nicolson, Vita’s bisexual husband and her two children, Nigel and Ben.

Three chapters were written by her son Nigel Nicolson. They present the sexual and emotional life secrets of his mother: ”I did not know Violet. I met her only twice, and by then she had become a galleon, no longer the pinnace of her youth, and I did not recognize in her sails the high wind which had swept my mother away […]. I did not know that Vita could love like this, had loved like this, because she would not speak of it to her son. Now that I know everything I love her more, as my father did, because she was tempted, because she was weak. She was a rebel, she was Julian [Vita’s alter ego], and though she did not know it, she fought for more than Violet. She fought for the right to love, men and women, rejecting the conventions that marriage demands exclusive love, and that women should love only men, and men only women. For this she was prepared to give up everything. Yes, she may have been mad, as she later said, but it was a magnificent folly. She may have been cruel, but it was a cruelty on a heroic scale. How can I despise the violence of such passion?”

Sackville-West writes mostly about herself and her emotions. Nicolson writes about his father and the love between him and Vita, that grew more and more important for them as their life progressed, and was the base to which each of them returned after Vita’s strong passions for other people, including the famous Virginia Woolf and Harold’s adventures with men. Nicolson stresses the liberal nature of Vita’s and Harold’s views and actions about marriage and sexuality in the early years of the 20th century, but also brings forward Vita’s intense snobbism and coldness about the lower social classes.

SIBYL COLEFAX / VIDEO: The Drawing Room: English Country House Decoration

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 1930s
SIBYL COLEFAX

Lady Colefax began decorating in 1930. She was well-connected and also ahead of her time: her circle of friends and acquaintances provided her with clients and she became a very successful businesswoman. British diplomat Harold Nicholson wrote in his diary: ‘Lunch with Sibyl Colefax at Boulestin. She tells me that she has made £2,000 last year by her own efforts. She gets up by candle-light and fusses till midnight. A brave woman’.

Sibyl’s talent for creating comfortable interiors that were stylish but never pretentious was the secret of her appeal to her influential clients. She was friendly with royalty, including the Duke of Windsor and Wallis Simpson, with entertainers such as Charlie Chaplin and Cole Porter, and with much of the British aristocracy. When, in 1938, her services were so in demand that she needed to expand, she asked a rising young star of interior decorating, John Fowler, to join her in her business at Bruton Street in Mayfair. In 1939, the company name was changed to Sibyl Colefax & John Fowler.



Sibyl, Lady Colefax (née Halsey; 1874 – 22 September 1950) was a notable English interior decorator and socialite in the first half of the twentieth century.

She was born in Wimbledon into a noted family in society and lived in Cawnpore, India, until the age of 20 when she went on the Grand Tour. In 1901, she married patent lawyer Sir Arthur Colefax, who was briefly the MP for Manchester South West in 1910. They set up home at Argyll House, King's Road, Chelsea and at Old Buckhurst in Kent. Widely admired for her taste after she had lost most of her fortune in the Wall Street Crash she began to decorate professionally, using her formidable address book for contacts. She was able to purchase the decorating division of the antique dealers Stair and Andrew of Bruton Street, Mayfair and established Sibyl Colefax Ltd in partnership with Peggy Ward, the Countess Munster. On her 'retirement' (following a family tragedy) Peggy Ward advised her to take on John Fowler (1906-1977) as her partner, which she did in April 1938. The advent of war cut short this partnership. During the Second World War, she organised a soup kitchen and continued to entertain. She often held small lunch parties at The Dorchester known as 'Ordinaries' after which the guest would receive a small bill.

In 1944 the business, managed by John Fowler, took a lease on 39 Brook Street, Mayfair where it remains to this day. Also in 1944 Sibyl Colefax sold the business to Nancy Tree (Nancy Lancaster as she became in 1948) for a sum in the order of £10000. She renamed the business Sibyl Colefax and John Fowler Ltd, the name continuing today as the decorating division of the Colefax Group Plc.

Sibyl Colefax died at her home in Lord North Street, Westminster on 22 September 1950. Harold Nicolson penned an affectionate tribute that appeared shortly after in The Listener.



 
Lord North Street is a short street of Georgian terraced housing running between Smith Square and Great Peter Street in Westminster, the political heartland of British government. As such they have always commanded high fees and featured in many dramatic storylines.Past residents include the socialite Sibyl Colefax, founder of the Colefax and Fowler fabrics and wallpaper company,and Harold Wilson, twice Prime minister who in November 1974 alleged that renegade MI5 operatives had broken into his home.More recent residents include Jonathan Aitken and Theresa Gorman. The street is named after the 2nd Earl of Guilford, who was known for most of his life under his courtesy title Lord North, and was Prime Minister from 1770 to 1782.


A Passion for Friendship by Kirsty McLeod. Michael Joseph, London, 1991.

Sibyl Colefax (1874-1950) was a society hostess of 1930s London; remembered, too, as the founder of the interior design company, Colefax and Fowler. This is a portrait of her life and her association with the personalities she brought together. This book explores Sibyl's friendships - with Harold Nicolson, Diana Cooper, the Windsors, Cole Porter, Noel Coward, Max Beerbohm, Aldous Huxley, Evelyn Waugh, Virginia Woolf, Vita Sackville-West, Bernard Berenson, Thornton Wilder and many others - providing a view of the celebrities of the period. She also analyzes Sibyl's unique nature that drew her to them: though some criticized her for "collecting" famous names, others found behind the relentlessly social personality a genuine and loyal friend, full of kindness and love of life. The author also wrote "The Wives of Downing Street", "Drums and Trumpets" and "The Last Summer".

Great Hostesses by Brian Masters. Constable, London, 1982.



Siân Evans’s enjoyable account of the lives of leading British female socialites overstates their influence
Lara Feigel

Sun 11 Sep 2016 09.00 BST Last modified on Wed 21 Mar 2018 23.59 GMT

In 1931, Nancy Astor, owner of one of the most expensive houses in England, accompanied George Bernard Shaw to the Soviet Union. Armed with enough tinned food for two weeks, she embarked on the trip with the entitled confidence of the English aristocracy, though she was an American by birth. “When will you stop killing people?” she asked Stalin, who’d granted her a two-hour interview. “We are living in a state of war,” he replied. “When peace comes we shall stop it.”

With sufficient wealth and privilege, English women could be anywhere and talk to anyone. Siân Evans’s new book is an account of six English hostesses (three originally American and one Scottish) who flourished in the interwar years. Nancy Astor, Mrs Laura Corrigan, Sibyl, Lady Colefax, Lady Emerald Cunard, Lady Londonderry and Mrs Margaret Greville all lived in houses that are difficult to conceive of as domestic residences now, when most of them are owned by the National Trust. The grandest was Cliveden, the Astors’ Buckinghamshire home, where at the end of Nancy’s life the Profumo affair began.

 Evans is too anxious to defend her subjects to scrutinise their place in history
For Evans, this is more than an escapist tale of privilege. She claims both that “to be a great hostess was a career choice for those resourceful and energetic women” and that her six “queen bees” had “profound effects on British history”. Neither claim is convincing. Being a great hostess is not a career choice and it demeans the pioneering women who did manage to have jobs in this period to call it one. Indeed, some of these hostesses also had careers, which took up more time than their hostessing.

When her husband inherited a title and was debarred from his political seat in 1919, Nancy Astor stood for election. As the first female MP to take her seat, she managed to weather male disapprobation and to influence the law, pushing through an act in 1923 banning the sale of alcohol to those under 18. “When you took your seat, I felt as if a woman had come into my bathroom and I had only a sponge with which to defend myself,” Churchill complained. “You are not handsome enough to have worries of that kind,” Astor retorted. Meanwhile, Sibyl Colefax set up a successful interior-decorating business, starting her 12-hour days at 7am so that she could finish in time for the daily round of drinks and dinner, changing her clothes in the back of her chauffeur-driven Rolls on the way.

Did these women have much influence as hostesses? Certainly between them they managed to entice most of the social, political and artistic elite to their competing salons. But ultimately, this was a series of parties. Reminiscing about Emerald Cunard, Oswald Mosley looked back on her house as a place where “the cleverest met with the most beautiful and that is what social life should be”. No doubt it was all “enormous fun”, as he recalled, but surely Astor had more influence as an MP than she did at home. The suggestion that they influenced art also seems overstated. Though their houses were popular, they were not especially respected by serious writers and artists. Mocking Colefax, Virginia Woolf coined the term “Colefaxismus” for casual remarks intended to imply privileged knowledge of a subject. Emerald Cunard’s influence in the opera scene was acquired chiefly as a result of the financial support she gave her lover, the conductor Thomas Beecham. But this was an increasingly humiliating affair with a serially unfaithful man.

Most of them lost face in the lead up to the second world war, when all but one were sympathetic to Hitler. The Londonderrys made their final visit to Germany in June 1938 and insisted afterwards that Britain should “extend the hand of true friendship to the Third Reich” for the sake of world peace. The hostesses did their best to regain prestige by aiding the war effort and some were impressive in their sacrifices and achievements. Laura Corrigan remained in Paris once it was overrun by Nazis, managing to sell her jewellery to Goering in order to support wounded soldiers in France.

There are important historical questions to be asked here, but Evans is too anxious to defend her subjects to scrutinise their place in history. She also doesn’t seem especially interested in analysing her cast as individuals. The portraits are done with a broad brush and I found that I didn’t know these women intimately enough to care what happened to them and was frequently inclined to agree with Harold Nicolson, complaining that “the harm which these silly, selfish hostesses do is immense”. Nicolson didn’t turn down their invitations, though, and I didn’t stop reading about them. Insofar as it’s always pleasurable to read about the quirks and feats of eccentric and redoubtable women, the book, like their parties, is often “enormous fun”.

 Lara Feigel is the author of The Bitter Taste of Victory: In the Ruins of the Reich. Queen Bees is published by Hodder & Stoughton (£20). Click here to buy it for £16.40

Eltham Palace / VIDEO:Eltham Palace: Join the Party

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Once a favoured medieval palace and then a Tudor royal residence, Eltham Palace was transformed into a striking Art Deco mansion by eccentric millionaires Stephen and Viriginia Courtauld.  Discover their stylish home which incorporates original medieval features into an otherwise ultra-modern 1930s design. Step into the shoes of the lavish Courtaulds and explore their extravagant lifestyle as you discover the state of the art technology and unusual features of their residence. Head out into 19 acres of award-winning gardens and climb, jump and explore in our play area inspired by Stephen and Virginia's travels across the globe.


In 1933, Stephen Courtauld and his wife Virginia "Ginie" Courtauld (née Peirano) acquired the lease of the palace site and restored the Great Hall (adding a minstrels' gallery to it) while building an elaborate home, internally in the Art Deco style. The dramatic Entrance Hall was created by the Swedish designer Rolf Engströmer. Light floods in from a spectacular glazed dome, highlighting blackbean veneer and figurative marquetry. Keen gardeners, the Courtaulds also substantially modified and improved the grounds and gardens.

Stephen was a younger brother of Samuel Courtauld, an industrialist, art collector and founder of the Courtauld Institute of Art. His study in the new house features a statuette version of The Sentry, copied from a Manchester war memorial, by Charles Sargeant Jagger, who was - like Stephen - a member of the Artists' Rifles during the First World War.

The Courtaulds' pet lemur, Mah-Jongg, had a special room on the upper floor of the house which had a hatch to the downstairs flower room; he had the run of the house. The Courtaulds remained at Eltham until 1944. During the earlier part of the war, Stephen Courtauld was a member of the local Civil Defence Service. In September 1940 he was on duty on the Great Hall roof as a fire watcher when it was badly damaged by German incendiary bombs. In 1944, the Courtauld family moved to Scotland then to Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), giving the palace to the Royal Army Educational Corps in March 1945; the Corps remained there until 1992.

In 1995, English Heritage assumed management of the palace, and in 1999, completed major repairs and restorations of the interiors and gardens.

The palace and its garden are open to the public and can be hired for weddings and other functions. Most of the rooms have been restored to resemble their appearance during the Courtaulds' occupation (though it is uncertain how some of them were furnished) but some have been left as they were when the palace was used by the Educational Corps.

Public transport is available at the nearby Mottingham railway station or Eltham railway station, both a short walk from the palace.











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