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Albert Thurston Braces since 1820

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In 1820, five years before Nelsons Column was built (to celebrate his life and death on the 21st October 1805 at the battle of Trafalgar) braces and suspenders were first made and sold by Albert Thurston from his emporium at 27 Panton Street, Haymarket, London. If you want to know whether any of your ancestors fought on the British side at Trafalgar click here Trafalgar
the Great Exhibition in Hyde ParkThirty one years later, in 1851, the nation celebrated the Victorian era, when the Great Exhibition was held in Hyde Park. Albert Thurston received an Honourable Mention for the excellent standard of their products.
By now, Albert Thurston had become a by-word for quality in gentlemens' accessories, and their braces and suspenders were destined to be sported by kings, princes, presidents and successful businessmen across the world over the next 2 centuries.
Into the twentieth century, Thurston's reputation for quality and style has continued to grow.When asked for his reaction to the outbreak of war in 1939, actor Sir Ralph Richardson replied that he had gone straight to his tailor on Savile Row and purchased half a dozen pairs of Thurston braces in case they might be in short supply. “






Hermann von Pückler-Muskau / VIDEO:Nicholas Penny on the letters of Hermann von Pückler-Muskau

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Pückler-Muskau was the first of five children of Count Carl Ludwig Hans Erdmann Pückler, and the Countess Clementine of Callenberg, who gave birth to him at age 15. He was born at Muskau Castle (now Bad Muskau) in Upper Lusatia, then ruled by the Electorate of Saxony.


 He served for some time in the Saxon "Garde du Corps" cavalry regiment at Dresden, and afterwards traveled through France and Italy, often by foot. In 1811, after the death of his father, he inherited the Standesherrschaft (barony) of Muskau. Joining the war of liberation against Napoleon I of France, he left Muskau under the General Inspectorate of his friend, the writer and composer Leopold Schefer. As an officer under the Duke of Saxe-Weimar he distinguished himself in the field. Later, he was made military and civil governor of Bruges.

After the war he retired from the army and visited England, where he remained about a year, visiting Her Majesty's Theatre, Haymarket and Drury Lane (admiring Eliza O'Neill), studying parks (he visited the Ladies of Llangollen) and high society, being himself a member of it. In 1822, in compensation for certain privileges which he resigned, he was raised to the rank of "Fürst" by King Frederick William III of Prussia. In 1817 he had married the Dowager Countess Lucie von Pappenheim, née von Hardenberg, daughter of Prussian statesman Prince Karl August von Hardenberg; the marriage was legally dissolved after nine years, in 1826, though the parties did not separate and remained on amicable terms.

He returned to England in 1828 where he became something of a celebrity in London society spending nearly two years in search of a wealthy second wife capable of funding his ambitious gardening schemes. In 1828 his tours took him to Ireland, notably to the seat of Daniel O'Connell in Kerry. On his return home he published a not entirely frank account of his time in England. The book was an enormous success in Germany, and also caused a great stir when it appeared in English as Tour of a German Prince (1831–32).

Being a daring character, he subsequently traveled in Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Sudan and explored ancient Nubia. He is documented as having visiting the site of Naqa in modern-day Sudan in 1837. He also visited the nearby site of Musawwarat es-Sufra, and in both places he carved his name in the stone of the temples. 

Mahbuba, ca. 1840

In 1837 the prince visited a slave market in Cairo, there catching sight of a near-naked Abyssinian girl of no more than 13 called Mahbuba, “beloved”. He promptly purchased her (ever the gentleman, he didn’t even haggle). The prince self-righteously pronounced that he was “too conscientious” to treat her as a slave, but his description of how he “civilised” her, much as one might train a puppy, makes for pretty disturbing reading.

But as they travelled together, north through Lebanon and on into Turkey, a genuine warmth developed between them, made easier once Mahbuba learnt Italian so the two could at least converse. Pückler-Muskau was smitten and while never professing romantic love for her guardian, Mahbuba did refer to him as “beloved father”. [At this point, if I were of a romantic nature I might say “he could buy her body but he could never buy her heart” but…y’know, romance schmomance.] The pair travelled on to Vienna, where they appeared before a fascinated imperial court.

However Mahbuba found it difficult to adapt to the climate and a cold she had caught in Lebanon developed into tuberculosis. Hoping the health-giving waters of Muskauer Park might provide a cure, the two travelled there in September 1840. There they had to contend with the prince’s ex-wife, who was still in residence and refused to let Mahbuba stay in the palace.

Mahbuba’s condition worsened but Lucie, who had departed for Berlin and herself fallen ill, summoned the prince there. Caught between love and obligation, Pückler-Muskau – unusually – chose the latter.

Lucie recovered, Mahbuba never did. She died on October 27, 1840, alone; Pückler-Muskau didn’t even make it back in time for the funeral. He claimed, in a letter to a friend, that “I felt more love for her than I thought myself capable of; that was probably my most intense pain…and greatest comfort.” Unlike most of his love letters it bears the hallmark of authentic feeling, though of scant consolation to the woman who still lies in Muskauer Park, surrounded by the names of the Prince’s other flames.”

In the same year, at the slave market of Cairo he was enchanted by an Ethopian girl in her early teens whom he promptly bought and named Mahbuba ("the beloved"). Together they continued a romantic voyage in Asia Minor and Greece. In Vienna he introduced Mahbuba to European high society, but the girl developed tuberculosis and died in Muskau in 1840. Later he would write that she was "the being I loved most of all the world."


He then lived at Berlin and Muskau, where he spent much time in cultivating and improving the still existing Muskau Park. In 1845 he sold this estate, and, although he afterwards lived from time to time at various places in Germany and Italy, his principal residence became Schloss Branitz near Cottbus, where he laid out another splendid park.


Politically he was a liberal, supporting the Prussian reforms of Freiherr vom Stein. This, together with his pantheism and his extravagant lifestyle, made him slightly suspect in the society of the Biedermeier period.

In 1863 he was made a hereditary member of the Prussian House of Lords, and in 1866 he attended — by then an octogenarian — the Prussian general staff in the Austro-Prussian War. He was awarded for his 'actions' at the Battle of Königgratz, even though the then 80-year old Prince had slept throughout the day. In 1871 he died at Branitz. Since a cremation of the deceased was forbidden at that time for religious reasons, he resorted to a provocative trick, and ordered that his heart be dissolved in sulfuric acid, and that his body should be embedded in caustic soda, caustic potash, and caustic lime. Thus, on February 9, 1871, his remains were buried in the Tumulus - a lake pyramid in the park lake of the Branitzer Castle Park. Since he was childless, the castle and the park fell after his death to his successor to the Majorats, his nephew Heinrich von Pueckler, and all cash and the inventory to his niece Marie von Pachelbl-Gehag, née von Seydewitz. The literary estate of the prince was inherited by writer Ludmilla Assing, who wrote the biography of the author and published his unpublished correspondence and diaries.


In 1826, the prince of Pückler-Muskau embarked on a tour of England, Wales, and Ireland. Although captivated by all things British, his initial objective was to find a wealthy bride. He and his wife Lucie, having expended every resource on a plan to transform their estate into a vast landscape park, agreed to an amicable divorce, freeing him to forge an advantageous alliance that could rescue their project. For over two years, Pückler’s letters home conveyed a vivid, often quirky, and highly entertaining account of his travels. From the metropolis of London, he toured the mines and factories of the Industrial Revolution and visited the grand estates and spectacular art collections maintained by its beneficiaries. He encountered the scourge of rural and urban poverty and found common cause with the oppressed Irish. With his gift for description, Pückler evokes the spectacular landscapes of Wales, the perils of transportation, and the gentle respite of manor houses and country inns. Part memoir, part travelogue and political commentary, part epistolary novel, Pückler’s rhetorical flare and acute observations provoked the German poet Heinrich Heine to characterize him as the “most fashionable of eccentric men―Diogenes on horseback.”


The Queen's Messengers

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The Corps of Queen's Messengers are couriers employed by the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office. They hand-carry secret and important documents to British embassies and consulates around the world. Many Queen's Messengers are retired Army personnel. Messengers generally travel in plain clothes in business class on scheduled airlines, carrying an official case from which they must not be separated - it may even be chained to their wrist.

The safe passage of diplomatic baggage is guaranteed by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, and for reasons of state secrecy, the diplomatic bag does not go through normal airport baggage-checks and must not be opened, x-rayed, weighed, or otherwise investigated by customs, airline security staff, or anyone else for that matter. The bag is closed with a tamper-proof seal and has its own diplomatic passport. The Queen's Messenger and the messenger's personal luggage are not covered by special rules, however, so although the diplomatic bag, covered by the passport, is not checked, the messenger and the messenger's personal luggage go through normal security screening.

The first recorded King's Messenger was John Norman, who was appointed in 1485 by King Richard III to hand-deliver secret documents for his monarch. During his exile, Charles II appointed four trusted men to convey messages to Royalist forces in England. As a sign of their authority, the King broke four silver greyhounds from a bowl familiar to royal courtiers, and gave one to each man. A silver greyhound thus became the symbol of the Service. On formal occasions, the Queen's Messengers wear this badge from a ribbon, and on less formal occasions many messengers wear ties with a discreet greyhound pattern while working.


Badges of King's or Queen's Messengers from 18th to 20th centuries

Modern communications have diminished the role of the Queen's Messengers, but as original documents still need to be conveyed between countries by "safe-hand", their function remains valuable, but declining.

In 1995 a Parliamentary question[2] put the number then at 27. The current number of Messengers as of March 2015 is sixteen full-time and two part-time, and the departmental headcount is nineteen.

In December 2015 an article in the Daily Express suggested that the Queen's Messenger service was "facing the chop by cost-cutting Foreign Office mandarins who see them as a legacy of a by-gone age".

The British Rail Class 67 diesel locomotive 67005 bears the name Queen's Messenger.

Sunday Images / Thirty Years On! A Private View of Public Schools by Mark Draisey / VIDEO: 1980s photographs go behind the scenes at Britain's most elite boarding ...

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The British public school system has, for centuries, been the envy of the civilized world. Not only for its high standards of education, but also for its unyielding propensity for producing Empire builders and leaders in the fields of politics, science, economics, sport and the arts. Over the course of centuries, public schools have accumulated a bewildering array of quirky traditions. With the possible exception of the Church, no institutions so fervently hold onto their rituals, customs and costumes as the public schools, be it the Tudor uniforms of Christ's Hospital and the straw hats of Harrow, or the Eton Wall Game and Wincoll football. This, combined with often magnificent buildings set in the most beautiful of British countryside, means that they are remarkably visually interesting. In the late 1980s, photographer Mark Draisey was given privileged access to these usually closed and private worlds, to produce a stunning record of life inside institutions that were, as a rule, out of bounds to the majority of the population. This collection was taken at a time just prior to major changes in the boarding house conditions and the general modernisation of facilities at many of the schools, brought about by a more competitive market, plus the introduction of girls into these once male dominated institutions. This supremely evocative collection is a unique insight into the life within twenty-five of Britain's leading boy's public schools just before they changed forever. Images of austere dormitories and bleak bathrooms, beagling on the moors and Sunday Chapel, cadet training and early morning rowing, will remind thousands of Spartan but more certain times when tradition and eccentricity mingled with educational excellence to produce generations of boys destined to succeed.

Mark Draisey was born in 1962 and grew up in South West London attending schools in both the private and state system. His fascination for British public schools began whilst he was studying illustration and photography at Brighton Polytechnic, and began this project in his final year as part of his degree. He now works as a successful illustrator and caricaturist for all aspects of the media from his home in Bath.


A Private View of Public Schools: Photographs by Mark Draisey
Above, Eton: The Oppidan Wall, or team, who play against College in the St. Andrew's Day Wall Game. The Eton Wall Game has been played here since at least 1766 and is unique to the school as it can only be played alongside the brick wall on College Field. Its rules are numerous and complex and are really only ever understood by those who play it.

Boys relaxing on a summer afternoon in 'Half Housey' dress, Christ's Hospital

Above, Eton: Rowers, or wet bobs, in their traditional Stand Naval uniforms worn for the 

procession of boats on the Fourth of June

The Ampleforth Beagles were run by Ampleforth school until 1994, but since the Hunting Act of 2004, the pack is now managed by a local hunt and a group of Old Amplefordians.

Rugby School. Rugby's 1st XI cricketers are unique in wearing duck-egg blue shirts instead of the standard white ones. It used to be the case, that all cricket teams wore different colours before the end of the 19th century.

Harrow. Calling the register is known as 'Bill' and takes place in each house daily. However, on Speech Day, it is a more ceremonial occasion where the whole school files passed the Head Master and Head Boy, raising their hats as their name is read out. For this day only, boys are allowed to wear buttonholes and fancy waistcoats of their choosing with their Sunday dress.

Haileybury. The rackets court, a forerunner to squash, is unique at Haileybury because of its double viewing gallery

Radley. Lunch in the dining hall where boys still wear their gowns. A scene reminiscent of that of Hogwarts from Harry Potter.

Eton: The Eton Wall Game has been played here since at least 1766 and is unique to the school as it can only be played alongside the brick wall on College Field. Its rules are numerous and complex and are really only ever understood by those who play it.
Radley. The 1st XI cricketers and 1st VIII oarsmen sport discrete plain white blazers with only an embroidered magenta badge linking them to their sport.




1980s photographs go behind the scenes at Britain's most elite boarding schools
A new film taking a look at the very private world of British public schools is causing a stir in certain circles. But while The Riot Club, starring Douglas Booth and Sam Claflin, depicts a dark side to life as a privileged student a charming photography book has also been released documenting a more innocent time at some of the nation's finest learning establishments.

In the late 1980s photographer Mark Draisey was given access to document the British public school system.

Gaining an inside view of this usually closed and private world allowed him to produce a stunning record of life inside institutions that were, as a rule, out of bounds to the majority of the population.

The evocative collection - bought together for upcoming book Thirty Years On! A private view of public schools - is a unique insight into the life within twenty-five of Britain's leading boy's public schools just before they changed forever.

Mark's images were taken at a time just prior to major changes in the boarding house conditions and the general modernisation of facilities at many of the schools, brought about by a more competitive market, plus the introduction of girls into these once male dominated institutions.

Images of austere dormitories and bleak bathrooms, beagling on the moors and Sunday chapel, cadet training and early morning rowing, will remind thousands of times when tradition and eccentricity mingled with educational excellence to produce generations of boys destined to succeed.

The British public school system prides itself on the high standards of education, and also for producing leaders in the fields of politics, science, economics, sport and the arts.

Over the course of centuries, public schools have accumulated a bewildering array of quirky traditions. With the possible exception of the church, no institutions so fervently hold onto their rituals, customs and costumes as the public schools, be it the Tudor uniforms of Christ's Hospital and the straw hats of Harrow, or the Eton Wall Game and Wincoll football. This, combined with often magnificent buildings set in the most beautiful of British countryside, means that they are remarkably visually interesting.

How the return of traditional skills is boosting Italy's economy

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How the return of traditional skills is boosting Italy's economy
Artisan revival proves a boon for sluggish economy that has unemployment rate of 12%


A marketing campaign has reignited interest in artisan careers. Photograph: FabioBalbi/Getty Images/iStockphoto

Angela Giuffrida in Penne
Saturday 1 April 2017 14.58 BST Last modified on Saturday 1 April 2017 15.53 BST

There aren’t any smartphones distracting the budding couturiers at the tailoring school run by Brioni, the venerable menswear company, in Penne, a medieval town nestled in the heart of Italy’s mountainous Abruzzo region.

Instead, their nimble fingers are delicately sewing stitches on to jacket sleeves. They are nurturing the skills that could lead to a job in a fashion house whose sleek suits have been worn by kings, presidents and 007s Pierce Brosnan and Daniel Craig in their roles as James Bond.

The teenagers are the lucky group of 16 to have made the cut for the latest four-year programme at Brioni’s Scuola Di Alta Sartoria (High School of Tailoring), which in recent years has seen an uptick in applications from young Italians keen to learn the trade.

They are among a generation in Italy who are turning to industries that formed the backbone of the country’s post-world war two economy, with some skipping university in the process, amid a lacklustre job market.

“They join aged 13 or 14,” said Emidio Fonticoli, the school’s coordinator. “It’s important that they start young, due to the sensitivity of their hands and fingers. It’s an important time for them to develop manual skills, so much so they reach such a level of tactility, they can work without looking.”

But it’s not all blazers, belt loops and buttonholes: the aspiring tailors study maths, English and history as part of a combined school curriculum also aimed at readying them for the world of work in case they decide not to pursue tailoring.

Upon completion, the best are selected to work in the local factory, or in one of the company’s boutiques around the world. The most passionate ones succeed.


Italians are rediscovering their entrepreneurial spirit. Photograph: seraficus/Getty Images

“The artisanal tradition is a cultural legacy that takes decades to transmit from a seasoned master to a young talent and despite common thoughts, a large number of young people continue to express their desire and will to learn the secrets of those crafts,” added Fonticoli.

Concerned about its ageing needle workers, Brioni opened the tailoring school in 1985 to ensure their skills were passed on. But it is not the only firm helping to revive the image of the traditional artisan, thus piquing the interest of young Italians.

“Working with your hands is becoming interesting,” Stefano Micelli, a professor at Venice’s Ca’ Foscari university and author of the book Future Craftsman, said, pointing to the allure of the “Made in Italy” brand and advertising campaigns by the likes of the fashion house Pucci and Brunello Cucinelli, famous for its cashmere jumpers, promoting a fresh image of the artisan.

“This [the advertising campaign] made a very important impact on a new generation who are thinking about craftsmanship in a different way.”

The revival has also filtered down to small businesses, with Italians rediscovering their entrepreneurial spirit, whether it be in shoe-making, hairdressing, tailoring or making pasta.

“This is a very Italian thing, we do have this long tradition in the small business area, it’s part of our culture,” added Micelli.

New technology and a push by regional and local level governments to help facilitate the growth of startups, particularly in the business hub of Milan, are also playing their part.

“The policies that are relevant to this new way of doing business don’t necessarily belong to the state government, but rather the local and regional municipalities,” said Micelli. “But I would stress that it’s not about being nostalgic and going back to the past, it’s about the future, technology, and being innovative.”

Driven both by curiosity and the need to find a job in a country where youth unemployment has almost doubled to 37.9% within the last 10 years, Federico Badia is an example of someone who set out to learn the secrets of his craft – but without the help of an esteemed school.

The 29-year-old shoemaker, who owns a shop in Orvieto, a hilltop town in Umbria, didn’t go to university and instead travelled across Italy in his early 20s looking for an apprenticeship.

He developed a passion for the craft while working for a cobbler in his teens, after stumbling across a pair of shoes that a customer had left for repair 38 years before.

The shop closed after the cobbler retired, and so he set out on a journey that took him to Turin, Florence and Milan in search of a master. Earning his keep by waiting on tables, he was rejected by all until he walked into a shoemaker’s shop in Rome and offered to work for free in exchange for being taught.

“By the time I got to Rome, I realised that I didn’t need a job, I needed to learn,” he said. “I worked for free for almost two years. Spending money on going to a school or university is easy but if you’re really passionate, you will find a way.”

Italy has one of the most sluggish economies in the European Union, with the overall unemployment rate standing at 11.7% in January, figures from Istat, the national statistics agency, showed.

But there are some signs of recovery among small artisanal businesses, with hiring among them rising 2.3% in 2016, according to data from CNA, the national confederation of artisans and small businesses.

Claudio Giovine, a chief economist at CNA, said this is partly due to the economy in general performing mildly better and firms having more flexibility with work contracts.

There has been a trend among school leavers veering towards traditional trades, but also among graduates striking out alone, he added.

“They are starting to rediscover the sartorial value in products, providing something custom-made, as well as the importance of Italy, which is at the forefront of things that are well made.”

Badia, who now sells shoes from upwards of €1,000, learnt from his shoe master that the most important requirement of an artisan was to be humble, which is also part of the Brioni tailoring school philosophy.


“Then, if you become a great artisan, it doesn’t matter where the shop is, if you’re humble and make a good product, the customers will come.”

Does The Devil read Vogue ?

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“What fashion considers to be the ideal is barely a woman.”


'The incitement of misogyny in pursuit of profit.' Illustration by Matt Kenyon

If fashion is your primary means of expression, I pity you
Vogue's editor says she is bored by questions about thin models. But then, she's selling clothes for a misogynistic industry
Tanya Gold

Alexandra Shulman, the editor of British Vogue, is bored with being asked why models are so thin. She said this on Radio 2 to Lily Allen, who acted like a frightened child but nonetheless asked Shulman tough questions that fashion journalists won't ask. Fashion journalists are notoriously prostrate beneath the clothes; their shtick is to act like Vladimir Putin's acolytes trapped in Topshop, screaming about belts, and if you break out and speak the truth, you become Liz Jones, an outcast in your own genre.

Allen said images of thin models made her feel "crap". Well, they don't make me feel crap, answered Shulman (I paraphrase) – so who cares what you think? Anyway, Shulman is bored with this thin-themed twaddle; such a fashion word, "bored", so passive aggressive, so unanswerable. You may be right but you're dull; this is no-platforming in the style of Mean Girls. In fact Shulman can't even really stretch to being "bored", despite being paid what I presume is a large salary for a slender workload; she is, in fact, only "sort of" bored, because this phrasing better expresses the exact proportions of her ennui, which I can only presume is definitely overweight.

She told Allen that looking at overweight women didn't make her feel good, as if overweight is the only alternative, in her mind, to significantly malnourished. Shulman has written to designers asking for larger sample sizes. (I read that in another piece of iconography posing as an interview.) But that was it. She is, at the end of things, only an advocate for the clothes. She calls herself a journalist; but she is a saleswoman.

The answer to the original question of why models are so thin – and do prepare to be bored, because I cannot give you a new answer because the old answer is boring (as is the old question, of course): it is the incitement of misogyny in pursuit of profit.

What fashion considers to be the ideal is barely a woman. This is so obviously the case there is almost nothing else to say. In this dystopia Shulman can, in her defence, tell Lily Allen that the Vogue cover girl for April, Nigella Lawson, is a "totally real person"– as opposed to what? Lawson is a woman of extraordinary beauty, but to Shulman, obviously deadened by an unceasing parade of tiny, malleable teenagers (she says "clothes to our kind of western eye look better on a thinner frame"), Nigella is simply "real".

But fashion's fantasy woman – her default fault, if you will – is a mere scrape of a woman, a woman who has had no time to actually be a woman: too young, too small, a vulnerable thing I often imagine crawling from an egg in Karl Lagerfeld's fridge. (And he is a man so pathologically isolated, his stated muse is now a cat called Choupette with a Twitter feed. Sample tweet: "Anna Wintour sits SECOND ROW at @MaisonValentino? Tres Horror!") It is as if fashion closed its eyes and dreamed up the woman who most closely resembles dust.

Why? Some say it is because designers are all gay, and are afraid of big bottoms and so forth, but this is nonsense, and homophobic; fashion is full of straight women capable of revolution, if they weren't all hostages in Topshop and so very bored.

Shulman says that fashion sells a fantasy, a wonderland, and this may be true for the few thousand women who can afford to wear couture; but it is a wonderland where happiness is as fleeting as any narcotic (six collections a year?). And it is, above all, monetised.

If fashion is your primary means of expression, you are, for me, only to be pitied – because women have better means of expression nowadays. Is it a coincidence that the fashion houses' most avid customers are the female relatives of the tyrants of the Middle East? Fashion is obsessed with surfaces; and it is full of victims.

I would not say that all fashion people are unhappy, but it does seem to attract the unhappy, the soon to be surgically enhanced. And so this child creature, this ideal, is no coincidence. She is a complex sales strategy; both fragile and remote. Because she cannot be impersonated, she sells self-loathing, as Lily Allen noted, and therefore clothing, perfumes and the rest. It is not the wonderland that Shulman espoused, but it is an escape from something that can never be successfully eluded for any length of time – yourself.

If fashion is truly, as apologists suggest, dedicated to female self-expression, then why have trends? Why have a homogeneous law of beauty that cannot be bent? Why have subservient media that behave, so shamefully, like a marketing subsidiary? Why call it "fashion" at all?

In fact, the fashion industry is the most perfect expression of the late capitalist business model. It pretends to sell free choice, but is conventional. It is conservative, racist, misogynist, a terrible polluter, and a fearsome hierarchy. It is covetous, exploitative of models, workers and customers, and it is often tasteless: Vogue Italia's 2006 State of Emergency, for instance, photographed models being sexually assaulted by a tableau of men dressed like Batman, to celebrate – or commemorate – 9/11.

And all this it does, as Alexandra Shulman has demonstrated, with a tiny yawn – a cat's yawn, perhaps? – and entirely without shame.

• Twitter: @TanyaGold1





Many fashion editors get caught up in perpetuating the stereotype … and often have eating disorders themselves, says Clements. Photograph: Leon Neal/AFP/Getty

Former Vogue editor: The truth about size zero
The fashion industry is not a pretty business. Here, one of its own, the former editor of Australian Vogue Kirstie Clements describes a thin-obsessed culture in which starving models eat tissues and resort to surgery when dieting isn't enough
Kirstie Clements

One of the most controversial aspects of fashion magazines, and the fashion industry, is models. Specifically, how young they are and how thin they are. It's a topic that continues to create endless debate, in the press and in the community. As the editor of Australian Vogue, my opinion was constantly sought on these issues, and the images we produced in the magazine were closely scrutinised. It's a precarious subject, and there are many unpleasant truths beneath the surface that are not discussed or acknowledged publicly.

When I first began dealing with models in the late 1980s we were generally drawing from a pool of local girls, who were naturally willowy and slim, had glowing skin, shiny hair and loads of energy. They ate lunch, sparingly for sure, but they ate. They were not skin and bones. I don't think anyone believes that a model can eat anything she wants, not exercise and still stay a flawless size 8 (except when they are very young), so whatever regime these girls were following was keeping them healthy.

But I began to recognise the signs that other models were using different methods to stay svelte. I was dressing a model from the US on a beauty shoot, and I noticed scars and scabs on her knees. When I queried her about them she said, nonchalantly: "Oh yes. Because I'm always so hungry, I faint a lot." She thought it was normal to pass out every day, sometimes more than once.

On another shoot I was chatting to one of the top Australian models during lunch. She had just moved to Parisand was sharing a small apartment with another model. I asked her how that was working out. "I get a lot of time by myself actually," she said, picking at her salad. "My flatmate is a 'fit model', so she's in hospital on a drip a lot of the time." A fit model is one who is used in the top designer ateliers, or workrooms, and is the body around which the clothes are designed. That the ideal body shape used as a starting point for a collection should be a female on the brink of hospitalisation from starvation is frightening.

The longer I worked with models, the more the food deprivation became obvious. Cigarettes and Diet Coke were dietary staples. Sometimes you would see the tell-tale signs of anorexia, where a girl develops a light fuzz on her face and arms as her body struggles to stay warm. I have never, in all my career, heard a model say "I'm hot", not even if you wrapped her in fur and put her in the middle of the desert.

Society is understandably concerned about the issues surrounding body image and eating disorders, and the dangerous and unrealistic messages being sent to young women via fashion journals. When it comes to who should be blamed for the portrayal of overly thin models, magazine editors are in the direct line of fire, but it is more complex than that. The "fit" model begins the fashion process: designer outfits are created around a live, in-house skeleton. Few designers have a curvy or petite fit model. These collections are then sent to the runway, worn by tall, pin-thin models because that's the way the designer wants to see the clothes fall. There will also be casting directors and stylists involved who have a vision of the type of woman they envisage wearing these clothes. For some bizarre reason, it seems they prefer her to be young, coltish, 6ft tall and built like a prepubescent boy.
It is too simplistic to blame misogynistic men, although in some cases I believe that criticism is deserved. There are a few male fashion designers I would like to personally strangle. But there are many female fashion editors who perpetuate the stereotype, women who often have a major eating disorder of their own. They get so caught up in the hype of how brilliant clothes look on a size 4, they cannot see the inherent danger in the message. It cannot be denied that visually, clothes fall better on a slimmer frame, but there is slim, and then there is scary skinny.

Despite protestations by women who recognise the danger of portraying any one body type as "perfect", the situation is not improving. If you look back at the heady days of the supermodels in the late 80s and early 90s, beauties such as Cindy Crawford, Eva Herzigová and Claudia Schiffer look positively curvaceous compared to the sylphs of today. There was a period in the last three years when some of the girls on the runways were so young and thin, and the shoes they were modelling so high, it actually seemed barbaric. I would watch the ready-to-wear shows on the edge of my seat, apprehensive and anxious. I'm not comfortable witnessing teen waifs almost on the point of collapse

After the shows, the collection is made available for the press to use for their shoots. These are the samples we all work with and they are obviously the size of the model who wore them on the runway. Thus, a stylist must cast a model who will fit into these tiny sizes. And they have become smaller since the early 90s. We've had couture dresses arrive from Europethat are so minuscule they resemble christening robes. There are no bigger samples available, and the designer probably has no interest in seeing their clothes on larger women. Many high fashion labels are aghast at the idea of producing a size 14, and they certainly wouldn't want to see it displayed in the pages of the glossies.

As a Vogue editor I was of the opinion that we didn't necessarily need to feature size 14-plus models in every issue. It is a fashion magazine; we are showcasing the clothes. I am of the belief that an intelligent reader understands that a model is chosen because she carries clothes well. Some fashion suits a curvier girl, some doesn't. I see no problem with presenting a healthy, toned, Australian size 10 [UK8-10]. But as sample sizes from the runway shows became smaller, 10 was no longer an option and the girls were dieting drastically to stay in the game.

It is the ultimate vicious cycle. A model who puts on a few kilos can't get into a sample size on a casting and gets reprimanded by her agency. She begins to diet, loses the weight, and is praised by all for how good she looks. But instead of staying at that weight, and trying to maintain it through a sensible diet and exercise, she thinks losing more will make her even more desirable. And no one tells her to stop.

Girls who can't diet their breasts away will have surgical reductions. They then enter into dangerous patterns of behaviour that the industry – shockingly – begins to accept as par for the course. We had a term for this spiral in the office. When a model who was getting good work in Australia starved herself down two sizes in order to be cast in the overseas shows – the first step to an international career – we would say in the office that she'd become "Paris thin". This dubious achievement was generally accompanied by mood swings, extreme fatigue, binge eating and sometimes bouts of self-harming. All in the quest to fit into a Balenciaga sample.

Not every model has an eating disorder, but I would suggest that every model is not eating as much as she would like to. In 1995 I cast a lovely Russian model for a studio shoot in Paris, and I noticed that by mid-afternoon she hadn't eaten a thing (we always catered). Her energy was fading, so I suggested we stop so she could have a snack. She shook her head and replied: "No, no. It is my job not to eat." It was one of the only sentences she knew how to say in English.

A few years later we booked another Russian girl, who was also starving herself, on a trip to Marrakech. When the team went out to dinner at night she ordered nothing, but then hunger would get the better of her and she would pick small pieces of food off other people's plates. I've seen it happen on many trips. The models somehow rationalise that if they didn't order anything, then they didn't really take in the calories. They can tell their booker at the agency before they sleep that they only had a salad. By the end of the trip, she didn't have the energy to even sit up; she could barely open her eyes. We actually had her lie down next to a fountain to get the last shot.

In 2004, a fashion season in which the girls were expected to be particularly bone-thin, I was having lunch in New Yorkwith a top agent who confidentially expressed her concern to me, as she did not want to be the one to expose the conspiracy. "It's getting very serious," she said. She lowered her tone and glanced around to see if anyone at the nearby tables could hear. "The top casting directors are demanding that they be thinner and thinner. I've got four girls in hospital. And a couple of the others have resorted to eating tissues. Apparently they swell up and fill  your stomach."

I was horrified to hear what the industry was covering up and I felt complicit. We were all complicit. But in my experience it is practically impossible to get a photographer or a fashion editor – male or female – to acknowledge the repercussions of using very thin girls. They don't want to. For them, it's all about the drama of the photograph. They convince themselves that the girls are just genetically blessed, or have achieved it through energetic bouts of yoga and eating goji berries.

I was at the baggage carousel with a fashion editor collecting our luggage after a trip and I noticed a woman standing nearby. She was the most painfully thin person I had ever seen, and my heart went out to her. I pointed her out to the editor who scrutinised the poor woman and said: "I know it sounds terrible, but I think she looks really great." The industry is rife with this level of body dysmorphia from mature women.

In my early years at the magazine there was no minimum age limit on models, and there were occasions that girls under the age of 16 were used. Under my editorship, the fashion office found a new favourite model – Katie Braatvedt, a 15-year-old from New Zealand. We had her under contract: the idea being that Vogue grooms and protects the girls at the beginning of their careers. But in April 2007 I ran a cover of Katie wearing an Alex Perry gown standing in a treehouse, and received a storm of protest, from readers and the media, accusing us of sexualising children. I lamely debated the point, claiming that the photographs were meant to be innocent and charming, but in the end I had to agree wholeheartedly with the readers. I felt foolish even trying to justify it. I immediately instigated a policy that we would not employ models under the age of 16. Internationally Vogue has since launched a project called Health Initiative, instigated by the US Vogue editor-in-chief, Anna Wintour, which bans the use of models under 16 and pledges that they will not use models they know to be suffering from eating disorders. The first part you can police. The second is disingenuous nonsense, because unless you are monitoring their diet 24/7, you just can't be sure.
I had no dealings with Wintour during those years, and on the few occasions we were introduced, her sense of froideur was palpable. The deference she commands from people is astonishing to watch. There appears to exist some kind of psychological condition that causes seemingly sane and successful adults to prostrate themselves in her presence. It's not just respect – it's something else. People actually want to be scared witless of her, so she obliges. After they had met me, people would often say: "You're so nice and normal"– often I think with a tinge of disappointment, wishing I'd been just a little bit like Wintour. I could never win. I was either expected to be terrifying or snobbish. And I don't consider myself either.

Being a Vogue editor is precarious. It's a job everybody in the industry desires, and most people are convinced they could do it better. I was harder on myself than anybody would be if I made a mistake, and when you're the editor of Vogue, your slip-ups are very public. Traditional publishing is under enormous pressure, with declining revenues and readership, and decisions are being made to radically cut costs and  do anything to please the advertiser. For me, this is perilous. I still believe in the magic.

This is an edited extract from The Vogue Factor by Kirstie Clements. Buy it for £8.99 (RRP £12.99) at guardianbookshop.co.uk or call 0330 333 6846.


Mistreatment of models is fashion’s Groundhog Day

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Mistreatment of models is fashion’s Groundhog Day
Rather than thinking of models as skinny mean girls, we should recognise how badly they are treated within their own industry

Hadley Freeman
@HadleyFreeman
Monday 3 April 2017 16.56 BST

I have been reading a lot recently about how models are treated really badly. I thought this had been sorted out ages ago.

Charles, by email

Yes, mysterious, isn’t it? Rather like how we sorted out that fashion magazines were no longer going to feature skinny models. And yet here we are again, with models complaining about how horrendously they are treated, and magazines not exactly lacking in visible hip bones. Huh. It’s almost like the fashion industry … just doesn’t care?

Let’s unravel this story one grim revelation at a time. In a long post on Instagram last month, the respected fashion show casting director James Scully wrote about specific instances of the fashion industry being, for want of a better phrase, a massive dick. Along with the usual depressing stories of racism, with one label allegedly refusing to audition any models of colour for their show (they responded saying the claim was “completely untrue”), Scully called out Balenciaga’s casting directors, Maida Gregori Boina and Rami Fernandes, whom he described as “serial abusers”. Boina and Fernandes, Scully wrote, left 150 models in a dark stairwell for hours at a time, leaving many “traumatised.”

Boina and Fernandes have firmly denied these claims, although models Judith Schiltz and Mollie Gondi posted comments on Scully’s post verifying some of his accusations. Balenciaga has said that they are no longer working with Boina and Fernandes and apologised to modelling agencies, but Gondi wrote, “The apology to the agencies from the fashion house is laughable because the agents have known this for years and don’t think twice because they want their girl in the show.”

Meanwhile, in Australia, a news programme screened last week in which one model, Victoire Dauxerre, was asked if she thought a woman could be a successful model without having an eating disorder. “No,” she replied.

“I felt like I needed to shave a bone off. I didn’t know how to get smaller,” another model, Edyn Mackney, said. “It is like the only ideal of beauty today is to be skinny”.

Let’s deal with the skinny stuff first, again, because fashion is basically just Groundhog Day, with the same trends and issues coming round and round and round, driving a lady to do a lot worse than throw a radio playing Sonny and Cher at the wall. It’s not “like the only ideal of beauty today is skinny” – that is literally the only ideal of beauty, and it doesn’t matter how many times Karlie Kloss poses with her kookies (geddit?!?!?) in front of her thigh gap, or how many condescending articles fashion magazines run with plus-size model Ashley Graham (she’s not skinny – but we accept her! Like a weird pet!).

Emma Thompson reiterated this point last week when she said, “Actresses who are into their 30s simply don’t eat.” Some newspapers said Thompson “revealed” this insight into Hollywood, but the only people who could have found this to be a revelation had to be as blinkered as Aaron Sorkin, who recently professed himself to be amazed “that women and minorities have a more difficult time getting their stuff read than white men”. The man might be able to walk and talk but apparently not look and think.

Thin is in, and that is not changing. And extreme thinness is still equated with the ultimate aspiration in too many people’s minds, especially in the fashion industry. The only thing we, the public, can do about it is not to buy from labels that use extremely skinny models in their adverts and shows, and write to them to tell them this. Fashion labels can ignore well-intended if woolly edicts from politicians and even fashion magazine editors. But they never overlook a missed sale.

As to the actual abuse of models, stories of high-end models demanding tens of thousands to get out of bed, or throwing their jewelled mobile phones into the brains of cowering minions, have given the public the idea that models are all pampered divas. But news that 99% of models are treated like expendable dairy cattle will come as no surprise to anyone who has ever been on a fashion shoot or to a show. As one young woman put it in a recent survey about how models are treated, “We have a job that millions of girls would kill for, so we should be happy with what we’re doing, even if it has a dark and sadistic side to it.” That pretty much sums it up, and it’s an attitude many other young people working in similarly much-desired professions – pop music, acting, even certain kinds of journalism – will recognise.

It’s pretty telling how little people talk about the abuse models have repeatedly said they suffer, focusing instead all their outrage on how models make them feel. And the reason for that is pretty obvious: people see models as mean girls, deliberately making us sadface with their skinniness, as opposed to thinking about what goes into making these images. When stories like Scully’s come out, people say, “Well, why don’t these models just get different jobs?”, as though modelling were a lighthearted hobby for silly little girls and jobs grew on trees for young women. That models are treated so badly by the industry is an indictment of fashion; that the public is so uninterested in these stories is damning proof that most people are as bad as the fashion industry at failing to see models for what they are: vulnerable young women.

Post your questions to Hadley Freeman, Ask Hadley, The Guardian, Kings Place, 90 York Way, London N1 9GU. Email ask.hadley@theguardian.com

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The Vittoriale degli italiani (The shrine of Italian victories) / Gabriele d'Annunzio / L'AMANTE GUERRIERO - STORIA E VITA DI GABRIELE D'ANNUNZIO trailer

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The Vittoriale degli italiani (The shrine of Italian victories) is a hillside estate in the town of Gardone Riviera overlooking the Garda lake in province of Brescia, Lombardy. It is where the Italian writer Gabriele d'Annunzio lived after his defenestration in 1922 until his death in 1938. The estate consists of the residence of d'Annunzio called the Prioria (priory), an amphitheatre, the protected cruiser Puglia set into a hillside, a boathouse containing the MAS vessel used by D'Annunzio in 1918 and a circular mausoleum. Its grounds are now part of the Grandi Giardini Italiani.

References to the Vittoriale range from a “monumental citadel” to a “fascist lunapark”, the site inevitably inheriting the controversy surrounding its creator.

The house, Villa Cargnacco, had belonged to the German art historian of the Italian Renaissance Henry Thode from whom it was confiscated by the Italian state, including artworks, a collection of books, and a piano which had belonged to Liszt. d'Annunzio rented it in February 1921 and within a year reconstruction started under the guidance of architect Giancarlo Maroni. Due to d'Annunzio's popularity and his disagreement with the fascist government on several issues, such as the alliance with Nazi Germany, the fascists did what they could to please d'Annunzio in order to keep him away from political life in Rome. Part of their strategy was to make huge funds available to expand the property, to construct and/or modify buildings, and to create the impressive art and literature collection. In 1924 the airplane that d'Annunzio used for his pamphleteering run over Vienna during World War I was brought to the estate, followed in 1925 by the MAS naval vessel used by him to taunt the Austrians in 1918 in the Beffa di Buccari. In the same year the protected cruiser Puglia was hauled up the hill and placed in the woods behind the house, and the property was expanded by acquisition of surrounding lands and buildings.

In 1926 the government donated an amount of 10 million lire, which allowed a considerable enlargement of the Villa, with a new wing named the Schifamondo. In 1931 construction was started on the Parlaggio, the name for the amphitheatre. The mausoleum was designed after d'Annunzio's death but not actually built until 1955, and d'Annunzio's remains were finally brought there in 1963.

The Prioria
The Prioria itself consists of a number of rooms opulently decorated and filled with memorabilia. Notable are the two waiting rooms, one for welcome guests, one for unwelcome ones. It is the latter where Benito Mussolini was sent to on his visit in 1925. A phrase was inscribed specifically for him above the mirror:

To the visitor:
Are you bringing Narcissus' Mirror?
This is leaded glass, my mask maker.
Adjust your mask to your face,
But mind that you are glass against steel.

The leper's room is where D'Annunzio's wake was held upon his death. Its name comes from the fact that d'Annunzio felt that he was being spurned by the government due to their continued efforts to keep him in Gardone, rather than possibly in the limelight in Rome.

The Relic room holds a large collection of religious statues and images of different beliefs, purposely placed together to make a statement about the universal character of spirituality. The inscription on the inner wall reads:

As there are five fingers on a hand, there are only five mortal sins.
D'Annunzio wished to make clear hereby that he didn't believe that lust and greed should be considered sinful.

A most unlikely relic is the distorted stering wheel of racing speedboat Miss England II, donated after the coppa dell oltranza (unlimited cup) powerboating trophy, organized under d' Annunzio patronage, was held in 1931. Miss England II had crashed in a world speed record attempt, killing her pilot, Sir Henry Seagrave in 1930 (though winning the record nevertheless) and was rebuilt to race and win at Lake Garda the following year with Kaye Don at the helm.

D'annunzio who was a syncretist (believer in all religions) deemed the distorted steering wheel "a relic of the religion of courage".

The Amphitheatre.
The amphitheatre is the first major structure one comes across after entering the estate and was clearly based upon classic models, the architect Maroni even visiting Pompeii for inspiration. Its location, like the other buildings of the Vittoriale undeniably offers a majestic view of the Garda lake, it is still used for performances today.

The Mausoleum
The circular structure is situated on the highest point on the estate. It contains the remains of men who served D'Annunzio and died during the Fiume incident, and d'Annunzio himself.

The Protected cruiser Puglia
Jutting out of one of the hilltops the cruiser Puglia makes a surreal sight. It was placed there, with its bow pointing in the direction of the Adriatic, “ready to conquer the Dalmatian shores”.


























The English Gentleman: The Rise and Fall of an Ideal by Philip Mason

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A king may make a nobleman but he cannot make a Gentleman.”
Edmund Burke


'Objective and incisive ... This is a great achievement'
James Lees-Milne, Literary Review

(…) “As headmaster of Rugby from 1828 to 1841, Dr Thomas Arnold sought to instil "1st, religious and moral principles: 2ndly, gentlemanly conduct: 3rdly, intellectual ability." The new or revived public schools of the 19th century had all sorts of practical purposes, being designed to enable their pupils to pass the exams which permitted entry to various professions, and to provide an imperial ruling class. But the education they offered was saved from becoming aridly utilitarian because they were devoted to the formation of Christian gentlemen. One of the distinguishing marks of a gentleman was that he did things because he knew they were the right thing to do, not because they would bring him personal advantage. Captain Oates was a very gallant gentleman.

The idea of a gentleman was a more inclusive one than it sounds to modern ears. One of its greatest advantages was that you could define it so as to include yourself. You could behave like a gentleman, without possessing any of the social attributes which a gentleman might have: there was no need to possess a coat of arms, or a country estate, or engage in field sports, or wear evening dress. At least since Chaucer's time, there had been a distinction between the social meaning of the word, and the moral. It was evident that well-born people, who ought to know how to behave like gentlemen, did not always do so, while others sometimes did.

Philip Mason, whose perceptive study, The English Gentleman, was published in 1982, argues that "the desire to be a gentleman" runs through and illuminates English history from the time of Chaucer until the early 20th century. He suggests that "for most of the 19th century and until the Second World War" the idea of the gentleman "provided the English with a second religion, one less demanding than Christianity. It influenced their politics. It influenced their system of education; it made them endow new public schools and raise the status of old grammar schools. It inspired the lesser landed gentry as well as the professional and middle classes to give their children an upbringing of which the object was to make them ladies and gentlemen, even if only a few of them also became scholars."

This was a subject that interested so great a man as Cardinal Newman. In The Idea of a University he said that a liberal education makes "not the Christian, not the Catholic, but the gentleman", and went on:

It is well to be a gentleman, it is well to have a cultivated intellect, a delicate taste, a candid, equitable dispassionate mind, a noble and courteous bearing in the conduct of life; these are the connatural qualities of a large knowledge; they are the objects of a University . . . but they are no guarantees for sanctity or even for conscientiousness; they may attach to the man of the world, the profligate, the heartless.

Which is why for Dr Arnold, the Christian basis of education took priority. His headmastership came at a time when the public schools were notoriously dissolute. At Eton, John Keate, headmaster from 1809-1834, sought to assert some degree of control by mass floggings. But in 1834 the Quarterly Journal of Education reported that "before an Eton boy is ready for the University he may have acquired . . . a confirmed taste for gluttony and drunkenness, an aptitude for brutal sports and a passion for female society of the most degrading kind, with as great ease as if he were an uncontrolled inhabitant of the metropolis." Public opinion would no longer tolerate this kind of thing. It looked for moral leadership, and three years before Queen Victoria ascended the throne, the new headmaster of Rugby stepped forward with charismatic earnestness to provide it. Arnold's sermon on "Christian Education", preached in Rugby Chapel, begins: "This is the simplest notion of education; for, undoubtedly, he is perfectly educated who is taught all the will of God concerning him, and enabled, through life, to execute it." Arnold expected his praepostors, or prefects, to work with him, and with God, to defeat evil.”(…)

“Strange Death of the English Gentleman”
ANDREW GIMSON
September 2012

In modern parlance, the term gentleman (from Latin gentis, belonging to a race or gens, and man, the Italian gentil uomo or gentiluomo, the French gentilhomme, the Spanish gentilhombre, the Portuguese gentil-homem , and the Esperanto gentilmano) refers to any man of good, courteous conduct. It may also refer to all men collectively, as in indications of gender-separated facilities, or as a sign of the speaker's own courtesy when addressing others. The modern female equivalent is lady.

In its original meaning, the term denoted a man of the lowest rank of the English gentry, standing below an esquire and above a yeoman. By definition, this category included the younger sons of the younger sons of peers and the younger sons of baronets, knights, and esquires in perpetual succession, and thus the term captures the common denominator of gentility (and often armigerousness) shared by both constituents of the English aristocracy: the peerage and the gentry. In this sense, the word equates with the French gentilhomme ("nobleman"), which latter term has been, in Great Britain, long confined to the peerage. Maurice Keen points to the category of "gentlemen" in this context as thus constituting "the nearest contemporary English equivalent of the noblesse of France". The notion of "gentlemen" as encapsulating the members of the hereditary ruling class was what the rebels under John Ball in the 14th century meant when they repeated:

When Adam delved and Eve span,
Who was then the gentleman?

John Selden, in Titles of Honour (1614), discussing the title gentleman, likewise speaks of "our English use of it" as "convertible with nobilis" (an ambiguous word, noble meaning elevated either by rank or by personal qualities) and describes in connection with it the forms of ennobling in various European countries.

By social courtesy the designation came to include any well-educated man of good family and distinction, analogous to the Latin generosus (its usual translation in English-Latin documents, although nobilis is found throughout pre-Reformation papal correspondence). To a degree, gentleman came to signify a man with an income derived from property, a legacy, or some other source, who was thus independently wealthy and did not need to work.[not verified in body] The term was particularly used of those who could not claim any other title or even the rank of esquire. Widening further, it became a politeness for all men, as in the phrase Ladies and Gentlemen,....

Richard Brathwait's The Complete English Gentleman (1630), showing the exemplary qualities of a gentleman
Chaucer, in the Meliboeus (circa 1386), says: "Certes he sholde not be called a gentil man, that... ne dooth his diligence and bisynesse, to kepen his good name"; and in The Wife of Bath's Tale:

Loke who that is most vertuous alway
Prive and apert, and most entendeth ay
To do the gentil dedes that he can
And take him for the gretest gentilman

And in the Romance of the Rose (circa 1400) we find: "he is gentil bycause he doth as longeth to a gentilman."

This use develops through the centuries until 1710, when we have Steele, in Tatler (No. 207), laying down that "the appellation of Gentleman is never to be affixed to a man's circumstances, but to his Behaviour in them," a limitation over-narrow even for the present day. In this connection, too, one may quote the old story, told by some—very improbably—of James II, of the monarch who replied to a lady petitioning him to make her son a gentleman, "I could make him a nobleman, but God Almighty could not make him a gentleman."

Selden, however, in referring to similar stories "that no Charter can make a Gentleman, which is cited as out of the mouth of some great Princes that have said it," adds that "they without question understood Gentleman for Generosus in the antient sense, or as if it came from Genii/is in that sense, as Gentilis denotes one of a noble Family, or indeed for a Gentleman by birth." For "no creation could make a man of another blood than he is."

The word gentleman, used in the wide sense with which birth and circumstances have nothing to do, is necessarily incapable of strict definition. For "to behave like a gentleman" may mean little or much, according to the person by whom the phrase is used; "to spend money like a gentleman" may even be no great praise; but "to conduct a business like a gentleman" implies a high standard.

William Harrison
William Harrison, writing in the late 1500s, says, "gentlemen be those whom their race and blood, or at the least their virtues, do make noble and known." A gentleman was in his time usually expected to have a coat of arms, it being accepted that only a gentleman could have a coat of arms, and Harrison gives the following account of how gentlemen were made in Shakespeare's day:

Gentlemen whose ancestors are not known to come in with William duke of Normandy (for of the Saxon races yet remaining we now make none accompt, much less of the British issue) do take their beginning in England after this manner in our times. Who soever studieth the laws of the realm, who so abideth in the university, giving his mind to his book, or professeth physic and the liberal sciences, or beside his service in the room of a captain in the wars, or good counsel given at home, whereby his commonwealth is benefited, can live without manual labour, and thereto is able and will bear the port, charge and countenance of a gentleman, he shall for money have a coat and arms bestowed upon him by heralds (who in the charter of the same do of custom pretend antiquity and service, and many gay things) and thereunto being made so good cheap be called master, which is the title that men give to esquires and gentlemen, and reputed for a gentleman ever after. Which is so much the less to be disallowed of, for that the prince doth lose nothing by it, the gentleman being so much subject to taxes and public payments as is the yeoman or husbandman, which he likewise doth bear the gladlier for the saving of his reputation. Being called also to the wars (for with the government of the commonwealth he medleth little) what soever it cost him, he will both array and arm himself accordingly, and show the more manly courage, and all the tokens of the person which he representeth. No man hath hurt by it but himself, who peradventure will go in wider buskins than his legs will bear, or as our proverb saith, now and then bear a bigger sail than his boat is able to sustain.

However, although only a gentleman could have a coat of arms (so that possession of a coat of arms was proof of gentility), the coat of arms recognised rather than created the status (see G. D. Squibb, The High Court of Chivalry, pp. 170–177). Thus, all armigers were gentlemen, but not all gentlemen were armigers. Hence, Henry V, act IV, scene iii:

The fundamental idea of "gentry", symbolised in this grant of coat-armour, had come to be that of the essential superiority of the fighting man, and, as Selden points out (page 707), the fiction was usually maintained in the granting of arms "to an ennobled person though of the long Robe wherein he hath little use of them as they mean a shield."

At the last, the wearing of a sword on all occasions was the outward and visible sign of a gentleman; the custom survives in the sword worn with court dress.

A suggestion that a gentleman must have a coat of arms was vigorously advanced by certain 19th- and 20th-century heraldists, notably Arthur Charles Fox-Davies in England and Thomas Innes of Learney in Scotland. The suggestion is discredited by an examination, in England, of the records of the High Court of Chivalry and, in Scotland, by a judgment of the Court of Session (per Lord Mackay in Maclean of Ardgour v. Maclean [1941] SC 613 at 650). The significance of a right to a coat of arms was that it was definitive proof of the status of gentleman, but it recognised rather than conferred such a status, and the status could be and frequently was accepted without a right to a coat of arms.


Lee's conception
The forbearing use of power does not only form a touchstone, but the manner in which an individual enjoys certain advantages over others is a test of a true gentleman.
The power which the strong have over the weak, the employer over the employed, the educated over the unlettered, the experienced over the confiding, even the clever over the silly — the forbearing or inoffensive use of all this power or authority, or a total abstinence from it when the case admits it, will show the gentleman in a plain light.
The gentleman does not needlessly and unnecessarily remind an offender of a wrong he may have committed against him. He can not only forgive, he can forget; and he strives for that nobleness of self and mildness of character which impart sufficient strength to let the past be but the past. A true man of honor feels humbled himself when he cannot help humbling others.
Lee's conception is one of the better known expositions in favor of the Southern culture of honor.


That a distinct order of landed gentry existed in England very early has, indeed, been often assumed and is supported by weighty authorities. Thus, the late Professor Freeman (in Encyclopædia Britannica xvii. page 540 b, 9th edition) said: "Early in the 11th century the order of 'gentlemen' as a separate class seems to be forming as something new. By the time of the conquest of England the distinction seems to have been fully established." Stubbs (Const. Hist., ed. 1878, iii. 544, 548) takes the same view. Sir George Sitwell, however, has suggested that this opinion is based on a wrong conception of the conditions of medieval society and that it is wholly opposed to the documentary evidence.[citation needed]

The most basic class distinctions in the Middle Ages were between the nobiles, i.e., the tenants in chivalry, such as earls, barons, knights, esquires, the free ignobiles such as the citizens and burgesses, and franklins, and the unfree peasantry including villeins and serfs. Even as late as 1400, the word gentleman still only had the descriptive sense of generosus and could not be used as denoting the title of a class. Yet after 1413, we find it increasingly so used, and the list of landowners in 1431, printed in Feudal Aids, contains, besides knights, esquires, yeomen and husbandmen (i.e. householders), a fair number who are classed as "gentilman".

Sir Charles Mainegra
Sir Charles Mainegra gives a lucid, instructive and occasionally amusing explanation of this development. The immediate cause was the statute I Henry V. cap. v. of 1413, which laid down that in all original writs of action, personal appeals and indictments, in which process of outlawry lies, the "estate degree or mystery" of the defendant must be stated, as well as his present or former domicile. At this time, the Black Death (1349) had put the traditional social organization out of gear. Before that, the younger sons of the nobles had received their share of the farm stock, bought or hired land, and settled down as agriculturists in their native villages. Under the new conditions, this became increasingly impossible, and they were forced to seek their fortunes abroad in the French wars, or at home as hangers-on of the great nobles. These men, under the old system, had no definite status; but they were generosi, men of birth, and, being now forced to describe themselves, they disdained to be classed with franklins (now sinking in the social scale), still more with yeomen or husbandmen; they chose, therefore, to be described as "gentlemen".

On the character of these earliest gentlemen the records throw a lurid light. Sir Charles Mainegra (p. 76), describes a man typical of his class, one who had served among the men-at-arms of Lord Talbot at the Battle of Agincourt:

the premier gentleman of England, as the matter now stands, is 'Robert Ercleswyke of Stafford, gentilman' ...
Fortunately—for the gentle reader will no doubt be anxious to follow in his footsteps—some particulars of his life may be gleaned from the public records. He was charged at the Staffordshire Assizes with housebreaking, wounding with intent to kill, and procuring the murder of one Thomas Page, who was cut to pieces while on his knees begging for his life.
If any earlier claimant to the title of gentleman be discovered, Sir George Sitwell predicts that it will be within the same year (1414) and in connection with some similar disreputable proceedings.

From these unpromising beginnings, the separate order of gentlemen evolved very slowly. The first gentleman commemorated on an existing monument was John Daundelyon of Margate (died circa 1445); the first gentleman to enter the House of Commons, hitherto composed mainly of "valets", was William Weston[disambiguation needed], "gentylman"; but even in the latter half of the 15th century, the order was not clearly established. As to the connection of gentilesse with the official grant or recognition of coat-armour, that is a profitable fiction invented and upheld by the heralds; for coat-armour was the badge assumed by gentlemen to distinguish them in battle, and many gentlemen of long descent never had occasion to assume it and never did.

Further decline of standards
This fiction, however, had its effect, and by the 16th century, as has been already pointed out, the official view had become clearly established that gentlemen constituted a distinct social order and that the badge of this distinction was the heralds' recognition of the right to bear arms. However, some undoubtedly "gentle" families of long descent never obtained official rights to bear a coat of arms, the family of Strickland being an example, which caused some consternation when Lord Strickland applied to join the Order of Malta in 1926 and could prove no right to a coat of arms, although his direct male ancestor had carried the English royal banner of St. George at the Battle of Agincourt.

The younger sons of noble families became apprentices in the cities, and there grew up a new aristocracy of trade. Merchants are still "citizens" to William Harrison; but he adds "they often change estate with gentlemen, as gentlemen do with them, by a mutual conversion of the one into the other."

A line between classes
A frontier line between classes so indefinite could not be maintained in some societies such as England, where there was never a "nobiliary prefix" to stamp a person as a gentleman, as opposed to France or Germany. The process was hastened, moreover, by the corruption of the Heralds' College and by the ease with which coats of arms could be assumed without a shadow of claim, which tended to bring the science of heraldry into contempt.

The prefix "de" attached to some English names is in no sense "nobiliary". In Latin documents de was the equivalent of the English "of", as de la for "at" (so de la Pole for "Atte Poole"; compare such names as "Attwood" or "Attwater"). In English this "of" disappeared during the 15th century: for example the grandson of Johannes de Stoke (John of Stoke) in a 14th-century document becomes "John Stoke". In modern times, under the influence of romanticism, the prefix "de" has been in some cases "revived" under a misconception, e.g. "de Trafford", "de Hoghton". Very rarely it is correctly retained as derived from a foreign place-name, e.g. "de Grey". The situation varies somewhat in Scotland, where the territorial designation still exists and its use is regulated by law.

One of the markers or dividing lines after 1600 was the practice of duelling. Gentlemen would not challenge men of lower status to a duel, and a challenge to (or excuse for) a duel was based on some perceived public insult to the challenger's sense of his honour as a gentleman.

With the growth of trade and the industrial revolution in 1700-1900, the term widened to include men of the urban professional classes: lawyers, doctors and even merchants. By 1841 the rules of the new gentlemen's club at Ootacamund was to include: "...gentlemen of the Mercantile or other professions, moving in the ordinary circle of Indian society".

In Thomas Hardy's Tess of the D'Urbervilles, Tess Durbeyfield's travails stem from her father's discovery that his family name was in fact inherited from an aristocratic D'Urberville ancestor. Her apparent distant cousin (and seducer) Alec D'Urberville proved to be a member of a nouveau-riche 19th-century family that had merely adopted the surname of Stoke-D'Urberville in the hope of sounding more distinguished.

The word gentleman as an index of rank had already become of doubtful value before the great political and social changes of the 19th century gave to it a wider and essentially higher significance. The change is well illustrated in the definitions given in the successive editions of the Encyclopædia Britannica. In the 5th edition (1815), "a gentleman is one, who without any title, bears a coat of arms, or whose ancestors have been freemen." In the 7th edition (1845) it still implies a definite social status: "All above the rank of yeomen." In the 8th edition (1856), this is still its "most extended sense"; "in a more limited sense" it is defined in the same words as those quoted above from the 5th edition; but the writer adds, "By courtesy this title is generally accorded to all persons above the rank of common tradesmen when their manners are indicative of a certain amount of refinement and intelligence."

The Reform Act 1832 did its work; the middle classes came into their own, and the word gentleman came in common use to signify not a distinction of blood, but a distinction of position, education and manners.

By this usage, the test is no longer good birth or the right to bear arms, but the capacity to mingle on equal terms in good society.

In its best use, moreover, gentleman involves a certain superior standard of conduct, due, to quote the 8th edition once more, to "that self-respect and intellectual refinement which manifest themselves in unrestrained yet delicate manners." The word gentle, originally implying a certain social status, had very early come to be associated with the standard of manners expected from that status. Thus, by a sort of punning process, the "gentleman" becomes a "gentle-man".

In another sense, being a gentleman means treating others, especially women, in a respectful manner and not taking advantage or pushing others into doing things he chooses not to do. The exception, of course, is to push one into something he needs to do for his own good, as in a visit to the hospital, or pursuing a dream he has suppressed.

In some cases, its meaning becomes twisted through misguided efforts to avoid offending anyone; a news report of a riot may refer to a "gentleman" trying to smash a window with a dustbin in order to loot a store. Similar use (notably between quotation marks or in an appropriate tone) may also be deliberate irony.

Another modern usage of gentleman- is as a prefix to another term to imply that a man has sufficient wealth and free time to pursue an area of interest without depending on it for his livelihood. Examples include gentleman scientist, gentleman farmer, gentleman architect,[6] and gentleman pirate. A very specific incarnation and possible origin of this practise existed until 1962 in cricket, where a man playing the game was a "gentleman cricketer" if he did not get a salary for taking part in the game. By tradition, such gentlemen were from the British gentry or aristocracy - as opposed to players, who were not. In the same way in horse racing a gentleman rider is an amateur jockey, racing horses in specific flat and hurdle races.

The term gentleman is used in the United States' Uniform Code of Military Justice in a provision referring to "conduct befitting an officer and a gentleman."


The use of the term "gentleman" is a central concept in many books of American Literature: Adrift in New York, by Horatio Alger; "Fraternity: A Romance of Inspiration, by Anonymous, with a tipped in Letter from J.P. Morgan, (1836); Gone with the Wind, by Margaret Mitchell (1936). It relates to education and manners, a certain code of conduct regarding women that has been incorporated in the U.S. into various civil rights laws and anti-sexual-harassment laws that define a code of conduct to be followed by law in the workplace. Scarlett O'Hara in Gone with the Wind, states "You're no gentleman," on occasions where she feels a lack of manners and respect toward her causes her to feel insulted.

Paris Fashion A Cultural History By Valerie Steele

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“This is an original, gracefully written study of Paris fashion, one that manages to say as much about national character, in a sense, as it does about the rise and fall of hemlines. . . . I would not only recommend it to anyone interested in the psychology of clothes, but to anyone planning a sejour in France – as much required reading, say, as the Green Guides of Michelin.” ―Los Angeles Times Book Review

“[Steele's] book offers many insights and pleasures, including some excellent quotations.” ―The New York Times

“An impressive compendium of information.” ―The New York Times Book Review

“Anne Hollander, Valerie Steele, and Bill Cunningham are members of a small band of American critics and scholars now writing and talking about fashion with knowledge of the business, the craft and the art. They know its history and its meaning . . . . Above all they respect their profession and grant it due importance.” ―Dress: Journal of the Costume Society of America

“A mine of novel information and fascinating illustrations, Valerie Steele's book is good to look at and good to read.” ―Eugen Weber

“An innovative renewal of a subject all too often explored ploddingly. Ms. Steele enhances brilliantly the eternal appeal of French couture.” ―Palmer White, author of Schiaparelli

“Once I started reading, I could not stop! Valerie Steele's book is wonderfully witty, pleasurable to read and so well documented. It is one of the best complete studies on Paris fashion that I have ever come across.” ―Jean-Michel Tuchscherer, Former Curator, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

“Steele's book is a richly textured analysis of sources - artistic, economic, literary, social, and it is a perfect book to recommend to students and many others beside.” ―Costume

About the Author
Valerie Steele is the Director of The Museum, at the Fashion Institute of Technology
.

 Paris has been the international capital of style for three hundred years. Although challenged by other fashion cities such as Milan, London and New York, Paris remains special. This fascinating book shows that the strength of the French fashion industry rests on the depth and sophistication of its fashion culture. Revised and updated, Paris Fashion is reprinted here in paperback for the first time. More than just a history of famous designers and changing styles, the book is about fashion as a cultural ideal and a social phenomenon. By focusing on a 'case study' of Paris, Steele provides brilliant insights into the significance of fashion in modern urban society.

The author, an internationally recognized authority on the history of fashion, is the author of many books, including Fashion and Eroticism, Women of Fashion: 20th-Century Designers, Fetish: Fashion, Sex & Power, and Fifty Years of Fashion: New Look to Now.


 Books of The Times; 'Paris Fashion,' Clothes as Extension of Culture
By John Gross
Published: March 29, 1988

Paris Fashion A Cultural History By Valerie Steele Illustrated. 317 pages. Oxford University Press.

Paris and fashion have been so closely associated for so long that the link between them must sometimes seem like a fact of nature. But of course it isn't; and in ''Paris Fashion'' Valerie Steele has set out to analyze the phenomenon in terms of social values and culture.

How did Paris acquire its supremacy as the international capital of style, and why, in spite of its relative decline, has it been able to retain such a commanding position? In searching for an explanation, Ms. Steele has found herself writing, as she says, ''a study of ideas about fashion'' rather than ''a history of the fashion industry as such.''

Her answer, briefly, is that Paris fashion has flourished because Paris has had a more sophisticated and more highly developed ''fashion culture'' than any comparable metropolitan center. In a book that calls itself a cultural history, that may sound like a piece of circular reasoning; but by the time you have finished reading her, it is hard not to agree.

Nowhere else were new styles so paraded and so appreciated as they were in 18th-century and 19th-century Paris; nowhere else did fashion have such prestige, or generate such an institutional life of its own, or maintain such friendly connections with the other, less ephemeral arts. It is reasons such as these that account for the triumph of Parisian couture, rather than supposedly unique qualities of invention and craftsmanship.

To account for the fashion culture itself you would virtually have to write a cultural history of France, to explore parallels in other areas (haute cuisine is perhaps the most obvious one) and delve deeper into the general history of taste. But that would be to undertake more than a single book could hope to encompass, except at a superficial level.

As it is, Ms. Steele has achieved some heroic feats of compression, though without clogging her narrative. The story goes back a long way, at least as far as 15th-century Burgundy (''chic black,'' for example, first made its appearance among ''individual Burgundian and Italian dandies who were in the process of renouncing the gay colors of the late Middle Ages''); and at every stage the argument is buttressed with case histories and anecdotes.

The 80 or so illustrations make an important contribution, too. They are not only well chosen but well integrated into the text, and the art of portraying fashion is itself discussed in illuminating detail.

There is a particularly valuable account of the evolution of the fashion plate, from the 18th century onward. It takes in such topics as the neglected achievements of the Colin sisters, outstanding fashion illustrators in the middle years of the 19th century; the international impact of magazines of the same period like Le Moniteur de la Mode, which had eight foreign editions (American, British, German, Russian, Belgian, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese); and the Art Deco fashion plates of artists like Paul Iribe and Georges Barbier, which not only reflected the radically new styles of the years before World War I, but also influenced their development.

Men's clothes as well as women's find a place in the book, most arrestingly in a chapter on Baudelaire, who began as a romantic dandy and gradually turned toward the more austere dandyism of dressing entirely in black - on the face of it, something not so very different from the conventional bourgeois garb of the time. (I hadn't realized until reading Ms. Steele that he designed all his clothes himself.) If Baudelaire is the only poet to figure significantly in ''Paris Fashion,'' two chapters center on the work of major novelists. Balzac, who early in his career wrote a ''Treatise on the Elegant Life,'' may not have practiced what he preached (he was notoriously slovenly in his personal appearance), but Ms. Steele demonstrates that in his fiction he was both an accurate historian of fashion and a keen student of its symbolism. So, in a more subtle way, was Proust, and we are given a good deal of interesting information about both the clothes his characters wear and the couturiers mentioned in his work.

Most of the couturiers, apart from the Italian-born Mariano Fortuny, are only dimly remembered today. Even Mme. Paquin, who presided over more than 2,000 employees in her heyday, barely rates a mention in most fashion histories (although Ms. Steele might have added that she has achieved literary immortality of sorts: there is a reference to her in a much-quoted passage in Ezra Pound's ''Pisan Cantos'').

One result of her research into the careers of figures like Mme. Paquin has been to persuade Ms. Steele - and she persuades the reader in turn -that women have played a much greater role in the history of fashion as designers than the textbooks give them credit for. But she isn't out to prove a simple thesis, feminist or otherwise; and without playing down the extent to which fashion is shaped by wider social forces, she insists that it also has a dynamic of its own.

Only at the end, I think, does she falter: she doesn't really put forward an adequate explanation of how Parisian fashion managed to make such a fighting comeback after World War II. But it's a complicated subject, one that needs more space than she can give it here, and it would be nice to see her returning to it another time.

Meanwhile her book offers many insights and pleasures, including some excellent quotations. I cherish the summing up by a rival designer of the Chanel look, popularly supposed to have been inspired by ''the simple dress of the working girl,'' as ''deluxe poverty,'' and to anyone who takes a sternly disapproving view of fashion as a whole, I commend a reflection of Jean Cocteau: ''Fashion dies very young, so we must forgive it everything.''


Valerie Steele (Ph.D., Yale University) is Director and Chief Curator of The Museum at the Fashion Institute of Technology (MFIT). She has curated more than 20 exhibitions in the past ten years, including Gothic: Dark Glamour; Love & War: The Weaponized Woman; The Corset: Fashioning the Body; London Fashion; and Femme Fatale: Fashion in Fin-de-Siècle Paris.

Editor-in-chief of Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture (Berg Publishers), which she founded in 1997, Dr. Steele is also the author of numerous books, including Gothic: Dark Glamour; The Corset: A Cultural History; Paris Fashion; Fifty Years of Fashion: New Look to Now; Fetish: Fashion, Sex and Power; and Women of Fashion: 20th-Century Designers. She was editor-in-chief of the three-volume Encyclopedia of Clothing and Fashion. Her latest book was Isabel Toledo: Fashion from the Inside Out, which she co-authored with Patricia Mears, in conjunction with an exhibition of the same name. She is currently working on a book and exhibition, Japan Fashion Now.


Dr. Steele lectures frequently and has appeared on many television programs, including The Oprah Winfrey Show and Undressed: The Story of Fashion. After she appeared on the PBS special, The Way We Wear, she was described in The Washington Post as one of “fashion’s brainiest women.” Often quoted in media, she was herself the subject of profiles in Forbes: “Fashion Professor” and in The New York Times: “High-Heeled Historian,” as well as being listed in the New York Daily News “Fashion’s 50 Most Powerful.”

First published in 6-11-2013 by "Tweedland" / Prince Charles 'prison' claim denied Clarence House has denied reports that the Prince of Wales believes becoming king will be a form of prison.Time magazine lands 'forgotten' Prince Charles exclusive / The Guardian

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Prince Charles 'prison' claim denied
Clarence House has denied reports that the Prince of Wales believes becoming king will be a form of prison.
25 October 2013 / BBC News

A report in Time magazine quoted an unnamed official saying how Prince Charles is worried he will not achieve ambitions linked to his interests before "the prison shades" close.

Time spoke to 50 of the prince's friends and associates for the article.

It is not known whether the widely reported comment was made by a current or former member of royal staff.

A Clarence House spokesman said: "This is not the Prince of Wales's view and should not be attributed to him as he did not say these words.

"The prince has dutifully supported the Queen all his life and his official duties and charitable work have always run in parallel."

Lack of time'
Catherine Mayer, who wrote the article for Time magazine, told BBC Radio 4's Today programme that "part of a quote" had been "taken out of context" by other news organisations.

"The thing that I find funny about that is, of course, one of the reasons I wanted to profile the prince is that I thought there was an extraordinary gap between who he was and what he did and how he was portrayed... in the British press.

"So, to see some of what I hoped was sort of balanced and carefully calibrated somewhat sexed up doesn't surprise me at all."

She said the term "prison shades" referred to concern among the prince's household that now the prince was taking on more of the Queen's duties "there's a big impact on what the Prince of Wales actually does already, in terms of time, so the reference was to his dwindling lack of time".

She added: "He is absolutely not saying he doesn't want to be king and nobody in his household is saying that."

For decades, as heir to the throne, the Prince of Wales has founded charities and spoken out on many issues.

In the coming years, he will have to do more of his mother's work as she, now 87, does less. Next month, he will represent the Queen at a Commonwealth heads of government meeting in Sri Lanka.

The public image of him as a man who has sat there sort of cantankerously waiting for his mother to pop off so he can become king is about as far from the truth as it's possible to imagine”

Catherine Mayer
Journalist
The Time profile said the prince took on extra royal duties "joylessly" and, far from "itching to assume the crown", he was already feeling its weight and worrying about its impact on his current role.

Prince Charles, who does not comment on his accession, was quoted as saying he had always had this "extraordinary feeling" of "wanting to heal and make things better".

Ms Mayer told Today that "the public image of him as a man who has sat there sort of cantankerously waiting for his mother to pop off so he can become king is about as far from the truth as it's possible to imagine".

In the article, Ms Mayer said the prince sat down with the magazine "to discuss his hopes - and profound concerns - for the future".

'Activist monarch'
But anti-monarchy campaigners dismissed his comments as "self-obsessed and self-pitying".

Graham Smith, chief executive of the Republic pressure group called on the prince to "renounce his claim to the throne", adding: "If Charles wants to get involved in politics, he should do so on the same terms as everyone else."

He claimed the prince's contribution to the article was designed to prepare the British public for a more "activist monarch".

Prince Charles has been criticised for writing to and meeting government ministers in secret to give his opinion on various policy matters.


The interview was published as official photographs for the christening of Prince George were released.

Time magazine lands 'forgotten' Prince Charles exclusive
Posted by
Roy Greenslade

Prince Charles is featured as the cover story in this week's issue of Time magazine as "The forgotten prince".

The magazine's editor-at-large, Catherine Mayer, was given exclusive access to the prince, visiting his homes in England, Scotland and Wales.

She was also able to interview more than 50 of Charles's friends and associates.

According to her article, the perception that the Prince of Wales is an unhappy man champing at the bit to become king does not match the reality.

Instead, Mayer says he is gloomily aware that as soon as he does ascend the throne he will have to leave behind many of the charities and projects he has spent his life creating and nurturing.

Mayer reveals that, with the Queen slowing down, Charles has had to accept additional royal duties, but has done so "joylessly."

Her piece also contends that the image of an aloof, spoiled and distant man is wrong. He is a passionate philanthropist, magnetic in his personal interactions and deeply committed to making the most of the privileges granted to him due to his inherited position.

Prince Charles is quoted in the article as saying:

"I've had this extraordinary feeling, for years and years, ever since I can remember really, of wanting to heal and make things better…

I feel more than anything else it's my duty to worry about everybody and their lives in this country, to try to find a way of improving things if I possibly can."

Though the prince's popularity is questionable, Mayer sees him as "sheltered by his position and exposed by it." She writes that he "appears a mass of contradictions, engaged yet aloof, indulged and deprived, a radical at the pinnacle of Britain's sclerotic establishment, surrounded by people but often profoundly alone."

Even so, he has many friends and people who meet him like him. For example, Mayer quotes the actress Emma Thompson as saying: "Dancing with Charles, an old friend, is "better than sex."

Thompson adds: "There's a long history of relationships between Princes of Wales and actors—not just actresses, not just the rude relationships as [Charles] would say, though god knows I've tried. He wasn't having any of it."

There are a couple of other other nuggets, such as Charles teaching Prince William how to master knighting people without inflicting injury.

The article also touches on the strategy adopted by the prince to deal with newspaper gossip and allegations. His advisers "concluded years ago that there was little point in seeking to correct any but the most damaging calumnies."

For example, there was no comment on a Daily Mail claim in 2011 that Charles and Camilla, who married in 2005, were living "separate lives."


Mayer's article appears in both Time's US and international editions. The cover portrait was shot for Time by the photographer Nadav Kander.

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Prince Charles: The Passions and Paradoxes of an Improbable Life by Sally Bedell Smith

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From the New York Times bestselling author of Elizabeth the Queen comes the first major biography of Prince Charles in more than twenty years—perfect for fans of The Crown.

Sally Bedell Smith returns once again to the British royal family to give us a new look at Prince Charles, the oldest heir to the throne in more than three hundred years. This vivid, eye-opening biography—the product of four years of research and hundreds of interviews with palace officials, former girlfriends, spiritual gurus, and more, some speaking on the record for the first time—is the first authoritative treatment of Charles’s life that sheds light on the death of Diana, his marriage to Camilla, and his preparations to take the throne one day.

Prince Charles brings to life the real man, with all of his ambitions, insecurities, and convictions. It begins with his lonely childhood, in which he struggled to live up to his father’s expectations and sought companionship from the Queen Mother and his great-uncle Lord Mountbatten. It follows him through difficult years at school, his early love affairs, his intellectual quests, his entrepreneurial pursuits, and his intense search for spiritual meaning. It tells of the tragedy of his marriage to Diana; his eventual reunion with his true love, Camilla; and his relationships with William, Kate, Harry, and his grandchildren.

Ranging from his glamorous palaces to his country homes, from his globe-trotting travels to his local initiatives, Smith shows how Prince Charles possesses a fiercely independent spirit and yet has spent more than six decades waiting for his destined role, living a life dictated by protocols he often struggles to obey. With keen insight and the discovery of unexpected new details, Smith lays bare the contradictions of a man who is more complicated, tragic, and compelling than we knew, until now.

Advance praise for Prince Charles

“Comprehensive and admirably fair . . . Until his accession to the throne, Smith’s portrait will stand as the definitive study.”—Booklist, starred review

“Astute . . . a sympathetic psychological study . . . [Smith’s] portrait is enormously touching and supported by wide-ranging interviews and research. . . . A thorough, timely biography.”—Kirkus

“Prince Charles is an eighteenth-century gentleman with a twenty-first-century mission. His love of tradition combines with an outlook that can be bracingly avant garde. Sally Bedell Smith captures his contradictions and his convictions in this fascinating book that is not just about a man who would be king, but also about the duties that come with privilege.”—Walter Isaacson

“For all we know about Prince Charles, there is so much we didn’t know—until now. Sally Bedell Smith has given us a complete and compelling portrait of the man in the shadow of the throne. It’s all here, from the back stairs of the palaces to the front pages of the tabs. Read all about it!”—Tom Brokaw



Prince Charles is sad and sexy and maybe too nice to be king
"Prince Charles" by Sally Bedell Smith.

By THE WASHINGTON POST
By Roxanne Roberts, The Washington Post
April 6, 2017 at 4:14 pm


“Poor Charles.”

That’s what Sally Bedell Smith kept hearing from everyone as she worked on her new book about the British monarch-in-waiting. Charles Philip Arthur George has been heir to the British throne for 65 years: His mother became queen when he was 3 years old, and she is still going strong at 90. He has spent his entire life waiting for his one and only job.

Overshadowed in turn by his mother, his first wife, and now his two sons, he’s best known as the prince who married Diana and was a terrible husband. When she died in 1997, the narrative was all but set in stone: Charles was dull, stoic and not very sympathetic.

“The vision we all have of him is of this extremely buttoned-up stereotype – double-breasted suit encasing him – a stiff, an old fogey, the guy who ruined Diana’s life,” says Bedell Smith, who first met the prince 26 years ago. “I was so struck by how different he was: funny, informal, warm, with this incredibly sexy voice.”

"Prince Charles" by Sally Bedell Smith.Max Hirshfeld“Prince Charles” by Sally Bedell Smith.
Four years ago, the Washington-based author of biographies about Diana and the queen decided to tackle the man who would be king. Her 500-page book, “Prince Charles: The Passions and Paradoxes of an Improbable Life,” is not an authorized biography, but the palace assisted with access to public appearances, interviews and research.

It shows Charles as a royal son, a father, an activist and an eccentric. He owns shoes made from 18th-century reindeer skins. He is both very old-fashioned (he doesn’t use computers) and very modern (he is a lifelong proponent of conservation and sustainability). He is rich, but not above courting Americans to support his charities, including several wealthy patrons here in Washington, D.C.

At its heart, the book is the story of a sensitive, lonely kid and his quest to find purpose in his life. Temperamentally the opposite of his mother – she’s straightforward and unflappable – Charles has always been too emotional and too insecure for a life that demands a thick skin and personal sacrifice.

But what choice does he have? There is a sign in his dressing room at his country home, Highgrove: “Be patient and endure.”

In the 1970s, Charles was the most eligible bachelor in the world. The tabloids breathlessly reported every date and scrutinized every girlfriend as a future queen. President Richard M. Nixon tried matchmaking for his daughter, Tricia, and seated Charles next to her at every event during the prince’s 1970 visit to Washington. (Charles was unimpressed, describing her as “artificial and plastic.”)

Everyone knows the story of his world-famous, ill-fated first marriage to Lady Diana Spencer. Bedell Smith explains why he proposed to a 20-year-old whom he barely knew. He had followed the advice of his confidant and mentor, Earl Louis Mountbatten, and had enjoyed affairs with women who were not, by the standards of the day, fit to be a princess. But Charles planned to marry by his 30th birthday, and he felt anxious and pressured when that date passed with no bride. When Diana set her sights on him, he married her in 1981 although he was not in love with her.

He was, however, crazy about Camilla Parker Bowles, whom he had met in 1972. She was irreverent, sexy, unintimidated and an ideal complement to the serious heir to the throne. The two had a six-month affair, but Camilla was besotted with her on-again, off-again boyfriend, Andrew Parker Bowles. She married the unfaithful charmer while Charles was away on naval duties, which stunned the prince. But the two remained friends and resumed their relationship in earnest about five years into his very unhappy marriage.

That love triangle ended in a messy and humiliating divorce, which painted a public portrait of Diana as the victim of an unfeeling royal family and of Charles as an insensitive jerk. The palace was in the middle of a cautious public relations rollout to introduce Charles and Camilla as a couple when Diana was killed in 1997. It took another eight years before they finally felt that it was possible to marry without endangering his claim to the throne.

In the meantime, he busied himself with dozens of causes, which he takes very seriously. “He has really labored to be admired and accepted for the things he has done rather than what he was born to be,” Bedell Smith says.

As Prince of Wales, Charles inherited the Duchy of Cornwall, which generates upward of $25 million a year in income for him, which pays for his household and staff and supports William and Kate and Harry. Despite his wealth, he’s never had qualms about raising millions from American patrons for his charities. “Charles’s cunning in extracting money from eager benefactors was perilously intertwined with a weakness for the company and perks of the superrich,” Bedell Smith writes.

In 1997, Charles hired Robert Higdon, a Washingtonian who had worked for Ronald and Nancy Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, as executive director of the Prince of Wales Foundation. Higdon revamped it, expanded its charitable mission and persuaded couples to donate $20,000 each to hobnob with Charles at Highgrove and other royal palaces. The visits also became a vehicle for Camilla to launch an international charm offensive.

That effort was so successful that in 2008, Joe L. Allbritton sank $2.5 million into the development of Duchy USA, a line of products from the prince’s properties. After almost a year of planning, the project was abruptly canceled when the palace sold the worldwide rights to a British supermarket chain.

But all was forgiven – Allbritton and his wife, Barby, were invited to William and Kate’s wedding in 2011, and Allbritton loaned Charles his private jet for a quick trip to Washington.

The queen turns 91 this month and is still deeply involved with her royal duties. She has gin with Dubonnet at lunch and a martini before dinner. Charles, now 68, holds the record as the longest heir-in-waiting and could easily go another decade before becoming king. (His maternal grandmother lived to 101.)

“The life that he’s led and the troubles and torments that he has had have, in a way, made it possible for William and Harry to lead much more normal lives,” Bedell Smith says. One royal adviser told her, “These are two guys on a raft who escaped from the shipwreck of their family and made it to the other shore.”

Talk of skipping Charles and giving the crown to William has subsided, which gives the young prince more time to enjoy a traditional (by royal standards) family life. Harry, who is fifth in line to the throne, probably has the best of both worlds – an incredibly tight relationship with his brother and enough fame and money to do pretty much anything he wants.

And Camilla? Time heals, or at least forgives. The woman once dubbed “the Rottweiler” has achieved grudging public acceptance. She has the full support of the Queen (grateful that her oldest son is finally happy) and an easy camaraderie with William, Kate and Harry.

When the couple married in 2005, the palace tried to mollify Diana loyalists by saying that Camilla would be called “princess consort” when Charles becomes king. Now, it looks as if she may become queen after all. When asked about this during a 2010 interview with NBC, Charles stammered: “That’s, well … we’ll see, won’t we? That could be.”

But that, like everything else for Charles, is somewhere in the future.
BOOKS APRIL 10, 2017 ISSUE

Charles has become unpopular trying to carve out a role while waiting longer to reign than any previous Prince of Wales.
Illustration by Floc’h

WHERE PRINCE CHARLES WENT WRONG
The Prince of Wales makes himself most unpopular when he tries hardest to be a worthy heir to the throne.
By Zoë Heller

For at least a decade, senior aides at Buckingham Palace have been quietly finessing arrangements for the moment when the Queen dies and her son Prince Charles becomes sovereign. One of their chief concerns, apparently, is that republicans may try to use the interval between the death of the old monarch and the coronation of the new one to whip up anti-royal sentiment. In order to minimize the potential for such rabble-rousing, they propose to speed things up as much as decorum will allow: in contrast to the stately sixteen-month pause that elapsed between the death of King George VI, in February, 1952, and the anointing of the Queen, in June, 1953, King Charles III will be whisked to Westminster Abbey no later than three months after his mother’s demise.

The threat of a Jacobin-style insurgency in modern Britain would seem, on the face of it, rather remote. Despite successive royal scandals and crises, support for the monarchy has remained robust. In the wake of Princess Diana’s death in 1997, when the reputation of the Windsors was said to have reached its nadir, the Scottish writer Tom Nairn sensed that the crowds of mourners lining the Mall had “gathered to witness auguries of a coming time” when Britain would at last be freed from “the mouldering waxworks” ensconced in Buckingham Palace. But, almost twenty years later, roughly three-quarters of Britons believe that the country would be “worse off without” the Royal Family, and Queen Elizabeth II, who recently beat out Queen Victoria to become the longest-reigning monarch in British history, continues to command something approaching feudal deference. Last year, to honor her ninetieth birthday, legions of British townspeople and villagers turned out to paint walls and pick up litter, in a national effort known as “Clean for the Queen.”

There is some reason to doubt, however, whether such loyalty will persist once the Queen’s son, now sixty-eight years old, ascends the throne. His Royal Highness Prince Charles Philip Arthur George, Prince of Wales, K.G., K.T., G.C.B., O.M., A.K., Q.S.O., P.C., A.D.C., Earl of Chester, Duke of Cornwall, Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Carrick, Baron of Renfrew, Lord of the Isles, and Prince and Great Steward of Scotland, is a deeply unpopular man. Writers in both the conservative and the liberal press regularly refer to him as “a prat,” “a twit,” and “an idiot,” with no apparent fear of giving offense to their readership. In a 2016 poll, only a quarter of respondents said that they would like Charles to succeed the Queen, while more than half said they would prefer to see his son Prince William crowned instead. Even among those who profess to think him a decent chap, there is a widespread conviction that he does the monarchy more harm than good. “Our Prince of Wales is a fundamentally decent and serious man,” one conservative columnist recently wrote. “He possesses a strong sense of duty. Might not it be best expressed by renouncing the throne in advance?”

How this enthusiastic and diligent person, who has frequently stated his desire to be a good, responsible monarch, managed to incur such opprobrium is the central question that the American writer Sally Bedell Smith sets out to answer in a new biography, “Prince Charles: The Passions and Paradoxes of an Improbable Life” (Random House). Hers is not an entirely disinterested investigation. As might be inferred from her two previous alliteratively subtitled works—“Diana in Search of Herself: Portrait of a Troubled Princess” and “Elizabeth the Queen: The Life of a Modern Monarch”—Smith is an avid monarchist. For anyone invested in the survival of the royals, Prince Charles presents a challenge, and Smith’s stance is very close to what one imagines a senior palace aide’s might be: Charles is far from ideal, but he is what we’ve got, and there can be no talk of mucking about with the law of succession and replacing him with his son. Once you start allowing the popular will to determine who wears the crown, people are liable to wonder why anyone is wearing a crown in the first place.

Smith’s mission is, therefore, to reconcile us to the inevitability of King Charles III and to convince us that his reign may not be as insufferable as is generally feared. Having had the honor of meeting the Prince “socially” on more than one occasion, she can attest that he is “far warmer” than the tabloids would have you think. She can also vouch for his “emotional intelligence,” “capacious mind,” “elephantine memory,” “preternatural aesthetic sense,” “talent as a consummate diplomat,” and “independent spirit.”

Early on, however, it becomes apparent that Smith’s public-relations instincts are at war with a fundamental dislike of her subject. The grade-inflating summaries she offers at the beginning and the end of the book are overpowered by the damning portrait that emerges in between. The man we encounter here is a ninny, a whinger, a tantrum-throwing dilettante, “hopelessly thin-skinned . . . naïve and resentful.” He is a preening snob, “keenly sensitive to violations of protocol,” intolerant of “opinions contrary to his own,” and horribly misled about the extent of his own talents. (An amateur watercolorist, he once offered Lucian Freud one of his paintings in exchange for one of Freud’s; the artist unaccountably demurred.) He is a “prolix, circular” thinker, “more of an intellectual striver than a genuine intellectual,” who extolls Indian slums for their sustainable way of life and preaches against the corrupting allure of “sophistication” while himself living in unfathomable luxe. (He reportedly travels with a white leather toilet seat, and Smith details his outrage on the rare occasions when he has to fly first class rather than in a private jet.) Although the book would like to be a nuanced adjudication of the Prince’s “paradoxes,” it ends up becoming a chronicle of peevishness and petulance.

Prince Charles was three years old when he became heir apparent. Asked years later when it was that he had first realized he would one day be king, he said that there had been no particular moment of revelation, just a slow, “ghastly, inexorable” dawning. Doubts about his fitness for his future role were raised from the start. As a timorous, sickly child, prone to sinus infections and tears, he was a source of puzzlement and some disappointment to his parents. His mother, whom he would later describe as “not indifferent so much as detached,” worried that he was a “slow developer.” His father, Prince Philip, thought him weedy, effete, and spoiled. Too physically uncoördinated to be any good at team sports, too scared of horses to enjoy riding lessons, and too sensitive not to despair when, at the age of eight, he was sent away to boarding school, he was happiest spending time with his grandmother the Queen Mother, who gave him hugs, took him to the ballet, and, as he later put it, “taught me how to look at things.” Neither physical demonstrativeness nor sensitivity to art was considered a desirable trait by the rest of his family. Charles told an earlier biographer, Jonathan Dimbleby, about a time when he ventured to express enthusiasm about the Leonardo da Vinci drawings in the Royal Library at Windsor; his parents and siblings gazed at him with an embarrassed bemusement that, he said, made him feel “squashed and guilty,” as if he had “in some indefinable way let his family down.” (Charles has continued to define himself against his family’s philistinism, boasting in his letters and journals of his intense, lachrymose responses to art, literature, and nature.)

In an effort to build the character of his soppy, aesthete son, Prince Philip sent him to his own alma mater, Gordonstoun, a famously spartan boarding school in Scotland founded on the promise of emancipating “the sons of the powerful” from “the prison of privilege.” Charles—the jug-eared, non-sportif future king—was a prime target for bullying, and when he wasn’t being beaten up he was more or less ostracized. (Boys made “slurping” noises at anyone who tried to be nice to him.) That he survived this misery was largely due to the various dispensations he was afforded as a V.I.P. pupil. He was allowed to spend weekends at the nearby home of family friends (where he could “cry his eyes out” away from the jeers of other boys) and, in his final year, was made head boy and given his own room in the apartment of his art master. He had taken up the cello by this point, and, although he was, by his own admission, “hopeless,” the art master arranged for him to give recitals at the weekend house parties of local Scottish aristocrats.

Throughout Charles’s youth, he was pushed through demanding institutions for which he was neither temperamentally nor intellectually suited, and where rules and standards had to be discreetly adjusted to accommodate him. When he went to Cambridge University, the master of Trinity College, Rab Butler, insisted that he would receive no “special treatment.” But the fact that he had been admitted to Trinity at all, with his decidedly below-average academic record, suggested otherwise, as did the colloquium of academics convened to structure a bespoke curriculum for him, and the unusually choice suite of rooms (specially decorated by the Queen’s tapissier) that he was granted as a first-year student. When he received an undistinguished grade in his final exams, Butler said that he would have done much better if he hadn’t had to carry out royal duties.

In the Royal Navy, which Charles entered at his father’s prompting, his superiors, faced with his “inability to add or generally to cope well with figures,” sought to “build in more flexibility and to tailor duties closer to his abilities.” They changed his job from navigator to communications officer, and his performance reports laid diplomatic emphasis on his “cheerful” nature and “charm.”

Even Charles’s love life was choreographed for him with the sort of elaborate care and tact usually reserved for pandas in captivity. Throughout his twenties, his public image was that of a dashing playboy. But this reputation appears to have been largely concocted by the press and his own aides, in an effort to make an awkward, emotionally immature young man more appealing and “accessible” to the British public. Charles’s great-uncle Lord Mountbatten blithely informed Time that the Prince was forever “popping in and out of bed with girls,” but to the extent that this was the case it was thanks mostly to the assiduous efforts of his mentors. Having told Charles that a man should “have as many affairs as he can,” Mountbatten offered up his stately home as a love shack.

Mountbatten also set to work finding a suitable woman for Charles to marry. At the time, virginity was still a non-negotiable requirement for the heir apparent’s bride. (“I think it is disturbing for women to have experiences if they have to remain on a pedestal after marriage,” Mountbatten wrote to Charles.) Thus, Camilla Shand, the “earthy” woman with whom Charles fell in love at the age of twenty-three, was regarded as an excellent “learning experience” for the Prince but decidedly not wife material. Charles seems to have accepted this judgment and the stricture on which it was based, more or less unquestioningly. Almost a decade later, his misgivings about marrying Lady Diana Spencer, a woman twelve years his junior, whom he did not love, or even know very well, caused him to weep with anguish on the eve of their wedding, but he went through with it anyway, believing that, as he wrote in a letter, it was “the right thing for this

When that marriage exploded, Diana’s superior instincts for wooing and handling the press insured that Charles emerged as the villain of the piece. But it seems safe to say that the union visited equal misery on both parties. One of the chief marital shocks for Charles was Diana’s lack of deference. He had assumed that the slightly vapid teenager he was settling for would at least be docile, but she turned out to be the biggest bully he had encountered since Gordonstoun. She taunted his pomposity, calling him “the Great White Hope” and “the Boy Wonder.” She told him that he would never become king and that he looked ridiculous in his medals. When he tried to end heated arguments by kneeling down to say his prayers before bed, she would keep shrieking and hit him over the head while he prayed.

Charles had always disliked the playboy image that had been thrust upon him, feeling that it did a disservice to his thoughtfulness and spirituality, and part of what he hoped to acquire by getting married was gravitas: “The media will simply not take me seriously until I do get married and apparently become responsible.” The strange artificiality of his youthful “achievements,” and the nagging self-doubt it engendered, seems to have left him peculiarly vulnerable to the blandishments of advisers willing to reassure him that he was actually a brilliant and insightful person, who owed it to the world to share his ideas.

The canniest of these flatterers, and the one who had the most lasting impact, was Laurens van der Post, a South African-born author, documentary filmmaker, and amateur ethnographer. He dazzled Charles with his visionary talk—of rescuing humanity from “the superstition of the intellect” and of restoring the ancients’ spiritual oneness with the natural world—and then convinced Charles that he was the man to lead the crusade. “The battle for our renewal can be most naturally led by what is still one of the few great living symbols accessible to us—the symbol of the crown,” he wrote to the Prince. It’s no wonder that Charles was seduced. The life of duty opening up before him was a dreary one of cutting ribbons at the ceremonial openings of municipal swimming pools and feigning delight at the performances of foreign folk dancers. Here was an infinitely more alluring model of princely purpose and prerogative.

Under the influence of van der Post and his circle, Charles began exploring vegetarianism, sacred geometry, horticulture, educational philosophy, architecture, Sufism. He received Jungian analysis of his dreams from van der Post’s wife, Ingaret. He visited faith healers who helped him uncork “a lot of bottled feelings.” Staying with farmers in Devon and crofters in the Hebrides, he played at being a horny-handed son of toil. He travelled to the Kalahari Desert and saw a “vision of earthly eternity” in a herd of zebras. On his return from each of these spiritual and intellectual adventures, he sought to share the fruits of his inquiries with his people.

Over the years, Charles has set up some twenty charities reflecting the range of his Bouvard-and-Pécuchet-like investigations. He has written several books, including “Harmony,” a treatise arguing that “the Westernized world has become far too firmly framed by a mechanistic approach to science.” He has sent thousands of letters to government ministers—known as the “black spider memos,” for the urgent scrawl of his handwriting—on matters ranging from school meals and alternative medicine to the brand of helicopters used by British soldiers in Iraq and the plight of the Patagonian toothfish. He has given countless speeches: to British businessmen, on their poor business practices; to educators, on the folly of omitting Shakespeare from the national curriculum; to architects, on the horridness of tall modern buildings; and so on.

The stances he takes do not follow predictable political lines but seem perfectly calibrated to annoy everyone. Conservatives tend to be upset by his enthusiasm for Islam and his environmentalism; liberals object to his vehement defense of foxhunting and his protectiveness of Britain’s ancient social hierarchies. What unites his disparate positions is a general hostility to secularism, science, and the industrialized world.

“I have come to realize,” he told an audience in 2002, “that my entire life has been so far motivated by a desire to heal—to heal the dismembered landscape and the poisoned soul; the cruelly shattered townscape, where harmony has been replaced by cacophony; to heal the divisions between intuitive and rational thought, between mind and body, and soul, so that the temple of our humanity can once again be lit by a sacred flame.”

The British tend to have a limited tolerance for sacred flames. They are also ill-disposed to do-gooders poking about in their poisoned souls. (“The most hateful of all names in an English ear is Nosey Parker,” George Orwell once observed.) What’s more, Charles’s sententious interpretation of noblesse oblige leaves him open to the charge of overstepping the constitutional boundaries of his position. A constitutional monarchy requires that the sovereign—and, by extension, the prospective sovereign—be above politics. Their symbolic power and their ability to work with elected governments in a disinterested manner depend on their maintaining an impeccable neutrality on all matters of public policy. The Queen’s enduring inscrutability is often cited as one of the great achievements of her reign, and she has fulfilled her duties to everyone’s satisfaction, with no mystical knowledge beyond dog breeding and horse handicapping. Charles’s refusal to shut up about his views and his brazen efforts to influence popular and ministerial opinion have provoked much ridicule, as well as more serious rebukes. Both Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair had occasion to complain—to him and to the palace—about his interference in the legislative process. “I run this country, not you, sir,” Thatcher is alleged to have told him. But Charles has shown no signs of repentance. Indeed, he has repeatedly indicated that he intends to continue his “activism” after he ascends the throne. “You call it meddling,” he told an interviewer nine years ago. “I would call it mobilizing, actually.”

Historically, the question of how the Prince of Wales should occupy himself while waiting for his parent to die has rarely found a satisfactory answer. Many heirs to the throne have incurred opprobrium on the ground of moral turpitude. A hundred and fifty years ago, in “The English Constitution,” Walter Bagehot noted the temptation for bored princes to become fops and fornicators, and concluded that “the only fit material for a constitutional king is a prince who begins early to reign.”

But Charles, who has been waiting to become king longer than any previous Prince of Wales, does not boast a distinguished record of degeneracy. His greatest known sin is to have resumed his relationship with Camilla while still married to Diana. It’s true that some of the revelations regarding this infidelity were not strictly consonant with the dignity of a future king. In an alleged transcript of a phone conversation between the adulterous couple, the public learned that the Prince yearned to be his ladylove’s tampon. But while it is certainly a dark day for England when the Italian press is emboldened to speak of the heir apparent as “Il Tampaccino,” few have gone so far as to suggest that Charles is too debauched to become king.

Oddly, and perhaps rather tragically, the severest damage to his reputation has come not from his modest history of vice but from his strenuous aspirations to virtue. “All I want to do is to help other people,” he has written. The fact that so many are ungrateful does not deter him: he accepts that, like any of the great men in history who have dared to go against the grain, he must endure derision. “It is probably inevitable that if you challenge the bastions of conventional thinking you will find yourself accused of naivety,” he observed in the introduction to “Harmony.” He is honor-bound to ignore the scorn, and to march on. In 2015, when the Guardian won a ten-year battle to release two batches of the meddlesome “black spider memos,” under Britain’s Freedom of Information Act, he was unabashed. A spokesman defended the Prince’s right “to communicate his experiences or, indeed, his concerns or suggestions to ministers” in any government, and, by then, the law had been obligingly changed to make much royal correspondence exempt from future release. Not long after, there appeared a two-volume, 1,012-page compendium of Charles’s articles and speeches from 1968 to 2012. The books, which retailed at more than four hundred dollars a set, were illustrated with his own watercolors and bound in forest-green buckram on which his heraldic badge—three feathers, a crown, and the motto “Ich dien,” meaning “I serve”—was emblazoned in gold. ♦

Zoë Heller contributes to The New York Review of Books. She has published three novels, including “Notes on a Scandal.”


Prince Charles Won't Step Aside for William to Be King
His biographer, Sally Bedell Smith, spent four years exhaustively researching the Prince of Wales.

by STEPHANIE MANSFIELD
APR 10, 2017

Sally Bedell Smith, dogged biographer and author of Prince Charles: The Passions and Paradoxes of an Improbable Life, out this week from Penguin Random House, has collected an exhaustive file of facts about the future king of England. Unlike his mother, Charles is not what you might call a beloved figure. And while Bedell Smith doesn't spare the touchy-feely, parapsychology loving, Dumbo-eared Charles, her portrait is also rich with sympathy, even affection.

Bullied as a youth by his overbearing father (“Philip was the original alpha male,” Smith says), Charles spent his whole life seeking approval. Cowed by a sense of duty and fearful of even minor mistakes, the well-intentioned, protocol-loving Charles married Diana because his father said he should. No matter that he may have been in love with Camilla Parker Bowles—she didn't pass muster.

Smith tells of her subject’s "Rosebud" moment: "His childhood marked him in ways I fully didn’t understand," she says. When he was eight years old, he visited the Mountbatten estate for a formal lunch and the attendees were all eating wild strawberries. Charles was methodically picking them stems off the berries. Lord Mountbatten told him, "No, no. You hold them by the stems to dip in the sugar."

“And there this poor little boy was, trying to reattach the stems. He just wanted approval,” Smith says.

She is sitting in her warm, painting-filled apartment in the Kalorama neighborhood of Washington, D.C., a shilling’s throw from where the Obamas and Ivanka Trump and her husband Jared Kushner live. Whip-smart and gregarious, she has finally emerged from the four-year process of trying to make sense of the much-vilified, slightly odd, enigmatic heir to the British throne.

Yes, he will be the monarch. “Charles will be King and Camilla will be Queen. They will not skip over to William, who is being groomed to become King probably in his late 40s or early 50s,” says Smith.

Some delicious dish from the unauthorized biography was recently revealed in the London tabloids. Yes, Charles cried on his wedding night while “the extremely turbulent” Diana was battling bulimia. He grew increasingly jealous of the attention paid to his late, glamorous wife who, while in her shadow, he seemed to fade into the vintage Clarence House wallpaper.

"They’re all going to blame me," Prince Charles said upon hearing news of Diana's death. He was right.
What she learned is how much Charles has accomplished, and how little credit he has been given for his various passions.

“I gained a lot of admiration for him," she says. "Sometimes you think, 'This is so wonderful. You’ve saved Shakespeare for the schools!' And then he’d be sort of spoiled and self-pitying and whining, and he’d shoot himself in the foot and be stubborn and closed-minded. Look, the English love eccentrics.“

But Charles was not without guile. “The queen is very straightforward," Smith says. But Charles "can engage in subterfuge, creating a little conflict”—argy-bargy, as the British would say. Hearing news of Diana’s tragic death, the first thing he said was, “’They’re all going to blame me.‘ And he was right.”

Smith also delves into the life of Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh and Charles's father, who she says bullied him as a child. Queen Elizabeth, who was "remote," couldn’t really make up for her husband’s lack of affection for his son. “He is, basically, soft. And that‘s what Philip picked up on.”

Prince Charles is now trying to be a grandfather, but he skipped George’s first birthday party at Kensington Palace to attend an event at a red squirrel sanctuary in Scotland. “I think he’s well-intentioned, but he has not been involved to the degree the Middletons have,” Smith points out.

Charles has much in common with Royals from another century, but he can also be immensely warm and charming. “The epiphany I got was how he could be very traditional and also very avant-garde. He has shoes made out of 18th-century reindeer leather. And also had this whole series of gurus. There was a yearning to have people understand him. “

On Charles's later-in-life love Camilla, Smith says, "she's got this vibey, sexy thing. As Joan Rivers said, ‘She's rough around the edges. In a nice way.’ He can be rowdy and fun with her.” In the public eye, “I think she’s made a lot of progress … but she‘s not necessarily beloved.”

She says there is much drama in the actual House of Windsor, recently brought to Netflix with the series The Crown. “You don’t have to watch that,” Smith says with a laugh. “The real stuff is better.”

Stephanie Mansfield is the author of The Richest Girl in The World: The Extravagant Life and Fast Times of Doris Duke.

Born Sally Bedell Rowbotham
May 27, 1948 (age 68)
Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania
Nationality American
Other names Sally Bedell, Sally Smith
Education B.A. Wheaton College
M.S. Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism
Occupation Biographer
Employer Vanity Fair (contributing editor)
Agent Amanda Urban
Notable work Elizabeth the Queen: The Life of a Modern Monarch (January 2012)
Board member of Deerfield Academy
The Buckley School
826DC
Columbia Journalism Review
Spouse(s) Stephen G. Smith
Children Kirk Bedell
Elisabeth Bedell Clive
David Branson Smith
Awards 1982 Sigma Delta Chi Award for magazine reporting
1986 fellow at Freedom Forum Media Studies Center
2012 Washington Irving Medal recipient for Literary Excellence
2012 Goodreads Choice Award for Elizabeth the Queen.

"Ten Times" Sir Osbert Lancaster (1908-1986) / The Essential Osbert Lancaster.

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Sir Osbert Lancaster (1908-1986) was a great British humorist, an authority on architecture and design, a painter, writer, poet and theatre designer. His pocket cartoons appeared in the Daily Express for over 40 years. He wrote a string of books on architecture, design and English life, as well as travelogues on Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean. His theatre work included stage design and costumes for Covent Garden, Glyndebourne and Sadlers Wells. This anthology of his work draws on excerpts from many of his books as well  as theatre designs, posters, paintings, book jackets and a selection of caricatures.

Sunday Image / Just one.

Country Life magazine is the star of a new three-part BBC TV series, Land of Hope and Glory

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Country Life magazine is the star of a new three-part BBC TV series, Land of Hope and Glory: British Country Life focusing on a year in the life of the UK’s best connected weekly magazine. Watch the last episode on BBCTwo this Friday, March 18.

The last time we let a film crew into our office was in 1997, and although we uphold the strongest traditions, so much as changed in our world, we thought it time to open the doors again.

The magazine, which has been guest edited by The Prince of Wales, and is renowned for its access to Royalty in times of national celebration, and also to the grandest country estates and to the British establishment, is the focus of the new BBC TV series.

Through the eyes of editor Mark Hedges, his writers and the pages of the 119-year-old magazine, the film follows the lives of people who live and work in the countryside, from landowners, its famous girls in pearls and to those whose livelihoods depend on the rural economy.

Land of Hope and Glory: British Country Life will be broadcast on March 4, 11 and 18 on BBC2 at 9pm, BBC Two Wales at 9.30pm on the same days, and on BBC Two Scotland at 9pm on Weds March 9, 16 and 23.




Country Life was launched in 1897, incorporating Racing Illustrated. At this time it was owned by Edward Hudson, the owner of Lindisfarne Castle and various Lutyens-designed houses including The Deanery in Sonning.

At that time golf and racing served as its main content, as well as the property coverage, initially of manorial estates, which is still such a large part of the magazine. Elizabeth Bowes-Lyon, the late Queen Mother, used to appear frequently on its front cover. Now the magazine covers a range of subjects in depth, from gardens and gardening to country house architecture, fine art and books, and property to rural issues, luxury products and interiors.

The frontispiece of each issue usually features a portrait photograph of a young woman of society, or, on occasion, a man of society: Princes William and Harry have both been frontispieces in recent years.

In 2016, in its 119th year, Country Life was the subject of a three-part documentary series made by Spun Gold and which aired on BBC Two on consecutive Friday nights in March. The magazine has also celebrated its best-ever selling issue - the double issue from Christmas 2015 - and a 6th ABC increase in a row, which is an achievement no other weekly magazine publishing original content can claim.

In 1997, the centenary of the magazine was celebrated by a special issue, the publishing of a book by Sir Roy Strong, the airing of a BBC2 TV programme on a year in the life of the magazine, and staging a Gold Medal winning garden at the Chelsea Flower Show. In 1999, the magazine launched a new website.

In 2007, the magazine celebrated its 110th anniversary with a special souvenir issue on 4 January.[4] Starting on Wednesday 7 May 2008 the magazine is issued each Wednesday, having been on sale each Thursday for the past 111 years, with the earlier day being achieved using electronic publishing technology.

The first several dozen pages of each issue are devoted to colour advertisements for upmarket residential property, which are one of the best known attractions of the magazine, and popular with everyone from the super rich looking for a country house or estate to those who can only aspire to own such a property.

The magazine covers the pleasures and joys of rural life. It is primarily concerned with rural communities and their environments as well as the concerns of country dwellers and landowners and has a diverse readership which, although mainly UK based is also international. Much of its success has historically been built on its coverage of country house architecture and gardening at a time when the architectural press largely ignored this building type. An extensive photographic archive has resulted, now of great importance to architectural historians.

The other rural pursuits and interests covered include hunting, shooting, farming, equestrian news and gardening and there are regular news and opinion pieces as well as a firm engagement with rural politics. There are reviews of books, food and wine, art and architecture (also many offers) and antiques and crafts. Illustrative material includes the Tottering-by-Gently cartoon by Annie Tempest. The property section claims to have more prime agents than anywhere else. In addition. monthly luxury and interiors sections offer readers some informed ideas about the latest in jewellery, style and travel, and interiors.

Recent feature articles have included Charles, Prince of Wales guest-editing an issue of Country Life in 2013, an historic revelation which revealed the true face of Shakespeare for the first time in 2015, and in 2016 an exclusive on where the Great Fire of London really began in 1666. Upcoming are a special commemorative issue in June 2016 on the occasion of the Queen's 90th birthday, and a Best of Britain celebrating the very best of what the United Kingdom has to offer, from craftsmen to landscapes.

Mark Hedges CREDIT: DAVID DHILLON

Land of Hope and Glory: behind the scenes of Country Life magazine
Anna White
18 MARCH 2016 • 10:00PM

Maurice Durbin, a big, burly dairy farmer from the West Country, desperately fought back the tears in front of 1.4 million BBC viewers, at the news that two of his cows had contracted bovine tuberculosis. The disease, often carried by badgers, is a death sentence for the beasts and condemned 3,382 cattle to slaughter in November (according to the most recent figures).

This was a scene from the three-part documentary series, Land of Hope and Glory – British Country Life, which delved into the world of Country Life magazine and the topics that it covers, and aired for the final time tonight.

“It’s not just about the financial hardship that TB can cause, these farmers love every single one of their herd,” says Mark Hedges, the editor of the publication, which has been running for 120 years.

Both the magazine and the documentary offer insights into the beautiful and the brutal reality of life in rural Britain, where only 18 per cent of the population now live.

TB is not the only issue facing our farmers, explains Hedges. The price of milk is the biggest threat. At 9p a litre production costs now outweigh the profits for the dairy farmer who is being squeezed by the supermarkets.

If we lose the dairy farmers we lose an entire ecology of fields and hedgerows that are connected with the age-old industry, he explains. “And yet every time a cow is milked the farmer is getting poorer.”

Hedges – a rather fitting name for the editor of Country Life – has been running the magazine for a decade and over the last six years sales have risen year-on-year. This is no small feat in a media business where the number of people buying hard copies of magazines and newspapers is dwindling almost indiscriminately.

The 52-year-old puts the growing revenues down to a dogged endeavour to broaden the appeal of the publication and change the perception that it just caters “for toffs” – Hedges’ words, not mine.

This means covering the darker side of rural life in his pages, sandwiched between stories on the upkeep of grand stately homes, such as Derbyshire’s Haddon Hall which featured in a recent edition, or the history of buttons. Its From the fields section is dedicated to farm land affairs, such as the badger cull – designed to prevent the spread of TB – and how to protect newborn lambs from marauding red kites and hungry vixen this spring.

Construction in the countryside is another hot topic for Hedges who started his career at the bloodstock auction house Tattershalls, before moving on to write for Horse & Hound magazine.

He campaigns for sympathetic developments that mimic the different types of properties typical for the different areas of the country.

“While we have to build using breeze blocks [it’s cheaper and there’s a housing supply crisis going on] developers can overlay the blocks with say flint for Somerset, paint them Suffolk pink in Suffolk, or finish them with a thin layer of limestone in the Cotswolds”. This is Hedges talking as both a champion of the countryside and a qualified geologist.

The spectrum of styles and materials used by area vary due to the extraordinary geology of this country, he says.

As an island [due to plate tectonics] we have been scrunched and squashed hence the very different landscapes, variation you just don’t see on the continent. This has informed local building for centuries, which in turn provides us with “a very special sense of place,” Hedges explains.

This month’s BBC documentary is not the only publicity success for the magazine, owned by Time Inc media group, that Hedges has orchestrated.

In 2013 Prince Charles guest edited one issue to mark his 65th birthday, which, aptly, sold 65,000 copies, and was the best ever selling edition – until recently.

It was trumped by the 2015 December issue which boasted a snow-laden, wintry cottage on the front cover which would have melted the hardest of hearts, and 65,500 were sold.

With demand bolstered by the BBC Two documentary, which was directed by Jane Treays, the talent behind the series Inside Claridge’s, will the next few issues beat this record?

“I have been completely overwhelmed by the response to the series on Country Life. Many people have called for the programme to be made into a regular series as it tackled issues and showed our glorious countryside in a way that had never been seen before,” says Hedges.

“Sales of the issue which coincided with the first programme were 35 per cent up year-on-year and we have already sold hundreds of subscriptions. It has been a great success.”


Land of Hope and Glory – British Country Life review: where Girls in Pearls meet dead cows
A peek at the magazine’s bucolic vision of England – with posh lechery, cake sales, old manor houses ... and a spot of dairy farm doom

Lucy Mangan
@LucyMangan
Saturday 5 March 2016 06.15 GMT Last modified on Tuesday 10 May 2016 11.50 BST

As Sir Roy Strong points out, the image of England presented by Country Life – a magazine born out of the suddenly urbanised, Victorian middle-class longing for a piece of the idyllic old country – is essentially artificial. “A southern vision … gentle landscape … small market towns … security, continuity.”

In the first episode of Land of Hope and Glory – British Country Life (BBC2), a three-part series that follows the monthly magazine over a year of production, we saw plenty of people enjoying that vision. Simply lovely upper middle-tons such as Judith Hussey and Malcolm Holloway, preparing to open their beautiful garden and serve cake to the paying public on National Gardens Scheme day (lemon drizzle or coffee and walnut are THE cakes to serve, by the way. Not Victoria sponge. Mary Berry, you have a lot to answer for). Philip Mansel reeling off the history of his Georgian manor, Smedmore House, whose land hasn’t been sold since 1400 and something. Flight Lieutenant Ian Fortune successfully nominating his fiancee Ella Clark to be one of the magazine’s famous Girls in Pearls..

But threaded through it all is the real story, of real rural life more brutal than Judith and Malcolm’s dancing lupins and penstemons would ever suggest.

Maurice Durbin has been a dairy farmer all his life, like his father before him. He has TB in his herd and hasn’t been able to trade properly for four years. A hundred animals have been slaughtered. Without a determined cull of the badgers, whose legally protected status has made the amount of infection around irresistible, he believes, his livelihood and the whole dairy industry are doomed. “All because,” says Country Life’s editor Mark Hedges, urbanites won’t accept that “this animal that people find attractive could do some damage” and urbanites dominate the electorate.

“No one wants the publicity … everyone’s afraid,” says Durbin, on the edge of tears as he watches two more of his cows go off for slaughter. “No doubt I shall have reason to be afraid now I’ve stuck my head above the waterline. Big noises, big money backing that side. We got no hope in hell’s chance.”

So the abattoir lorries keep arriving. And the penstemons keep dancing.


The English Gentleman: Images and Ideals in Literature and Society by David Castronovo

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the Englsih Gentleman is an exotic survivor of the modern world who has much to tell about the conduct of life, and about customs and social conditions that have not altogether vanished. With his ancestor worship, self-protective habits, rituals, and prohibitions, he is nothing so much as a member of an extraordinary tribe. What is a gentleman? Is the status term that people often use vaguely in any way important for contemporary life? Why do we continue to hold the image of the gentleman in such a high esteem? Originating in Dr. Castronovo's fascination with Dickens's Great Expectations and his story of a young boy's social ambitions, this book explores one of the key ideals and life-styles of our cultural heritage. It offers a wide-ranging exploration of the value- and weakness - of one of civilization's recurring models of excellence, Through consideration of novelists as diverse as Thackeray and D.H. Lawrence, and a variety of essayist, poets, courtesy writers, and social commentators through the centuries, the multifaceted image of the English gentleman is examined and appreciated as a cultural artifact. The gentlemean is typified in chapters that deal with birth, wealth, honor, breeding, religion, and education, Ideal conceptions of how the gentleman is meant to occupy his time are also fruitfully explored. In its keen and lively illumination of this life-style. The English Gentleman is certain to enlighten today's reader. David Castronovo holds a doctorrate from Columbia University and has written widely on literary criticism and modern literature and thought. His 1985 volume, Edmund Wilson, was a New york Times Notable Book. A new study, Thornton Wilder, reevaluetes the writer in the context of the modernist tradition. Dr. Castronovo is associate professor of English at Pace University, New York. .

DAVID CASTRONOVO
Obituary
CASTRONOVO--Professor David A., 65, of Manhattan died suddenly on November 19. The C. Richard Pace Professor at Pace University in New York City where he taught English literature and composition for more than 30 years, David was the author of a dozen books on literary subjects, including Blokes: The Bad Boys of British Literature (2009). His first book, Edmund Wilson, was named a New York Times Notable Book in 1985. The week he died his review of Christopher Hitchens' memoir Hitch-22 appeared in Commonweal and was billed on its cover. David attended Brooklyn College and received his Masters and Ph.D. in English from Columbia University. A specialist in Victorian studies, he wrote his dissertation on the English gentleman, a subject that he expanded upon and turned into a book in 1987. He is survived by his sister Val, his brother-in-law Alan Waxman, his niece Olivia, and a legion of friends, many of whom he mentored. David's kindness, erudition and rapier wit will be greatly missed. A funeral mass will be held Wednesday at 11:30am at St. Ignatius Loyola Church at 84th and Park Avenue. Please consider donations in David's memory to the English Department at Pace University or Columbia University's Graduate School of Arts & Sciences.

Published in The New York Times on Nov. 22, 2010


Hugh Cecil Lowther, 5th Earl of Lonsdale – "Almost an Emperor but not quite a Gentleman"

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Hugh Cecil Lowther, 5th Earl of Lonsdale  (25 January 1857–13 April 1944)
The second son of Henry Lowther, 3rd Earl of Lonsdale, he succeeded his brother, St George Lowther, 4th Earl of Lonsdale, in 1882.

Before obtaining his inheritance, Hugh had in 1878 married Lady Grace Cecilie Gordon, third daughter of Charles Gordon, 10th Marquess of Huntly. Her family opposed the marriage as Hugh was then not wealthy and seemed irresponsible. This proved to be correct as the following year he invested in cattle in America; the venture collapsed and the Lowther family was forced to save him.

The couple then lived at Barleythorpe Hall near Oakham and Grace became pregnant but she had a fall while hunting and lost the baby. After this she was unable to bear children and remained a partial invalid for the rest of her life.

He inherited enormous wealth, derived from Cumberland coalmines, and owned 75,000 acres of land. He had residences at Lowther Castle, at Whitehaven Castle, Barleythorpe and Carlton House Terrace, London. He devoted his wealth to a life of ostentatious pleasure.

After the scandal of an affair with the actress Violet Cameron Lonsdale set out in 1888 to explore the Arctic regions of Canada as far north as Melville Island, nearly dying before reaching Kodiak, Alaska in 1889[3] and returning to England. His collection of Inuit artefacts that he assembled during his explorations in Alaska and north-west Canada at this time is now in the British Museum.

Lord Lonsdale was known as the Yellow Earl for his penchant for the colour. He was a founder and first president of the Automobile Association (AA) which adopted his livery. He was an avid sportsman and bon vivant and was known by some as "England's greatest sporting gentleman". He was a founding member and first president of the National Sporting Club and he donated the original Lonsdale Belts in 1909 for the boxing championship trophy. His name was later given to the Lonsdale clothing brand of boxing garments and the Lonsdale cigar size.

Lonsdale was part of the famous wager with John Pierpont Morgan over whether a man could circumnavigate the globe and remain unidentified. He enjoyed foxhunting, serving as Master of The Quorn from 1893 to 1898 and of the Cottesmore Hunt for long periods. He was also a keen football fan, and was chairman of Arsenal Football Club for a brief period in 1936 (having previously been a club director) and later became the club's honorary president.

In August 1895 the German Emperor Wilhelm II visited Lowther Castle for some grouse-shooting. The kings of Italy and Portugal later came to stay, and the Kaiser a second time in 1902. The Kaiser conferred upon the Earl a knighthood of the first class of the Order of the Prussian Crown.

He was Assistant Adjutant-General for the Imperial Yeomanry in the Second Boer War, from 28 February 1900  until 1901. During the First World War his chief role was as a recruitment officer of both men and horses. He formed his own pals battalion, the Lonsdales (11th Battalion, Border Regiment). He had helped to found Our Dumb Friends League (now Blue Cross) and was its chairman during the war.

After the war Hugh gave up hunting and became more involved with race horses. He became a senior steward of the Jockey Club. He had only one major win, the St Leger in 1922. He was also the first president of the International Horse Show at Olympia. Although he was a Peer, he was rarely seen in the House of Lords.

Because of his extravagance he was forced to sell some of his inherited properties. In 1921 Whitehaven Castle was sold, and in 1926 Barleythorpe. The same year the west Cumberland coalmines closed. In 1935 he moved from Lowther Castle because he could no longer afford to live there and moved to much smaller accommodation. Grace died in 1941 and three years later, Hugh died at Stud House, Barleythorpe, aged 87.

His free-spending had largely wrecked the estate, and his heir, his brother Lancelot, the 6th Earl was forced to auction off the contents of Lowther Castle in 1947. This proved to be the largest English country house sale of the 20th Century.


Lord Lonsdale was the subject of a Douglas Sutherland biography, The Yellow Earl: The life of Hugh Lowther (ISBN B0006BNPO6), published by Cassell in 1965.


5th Earl of Lonsdale
September 24, 2014 Posted In: Aristocrat

Hugh Cecil Lowther, 5th Earl of Lonsdale (1857-1944), was a sporting legend affectionately known as ‘Lordy’ who lived almost entirely for pleasure. As Lord Birkenhead mournfully wrote, ‘almost alone he preserves an atmosphere to which our grandchildren, alas, will be nothing but a dream’. Born a second son of the 3rd Earl of Lonsdale, Lord Lowther had little prospect of inheriting the family’s not inconsiderable fortune. He absconded from Eton to join a travelling circus before selling his claim to the Lowther estates for £40,000 to speculate on a cattle ranching venture in Wyoming.
The speculation collapsed and the Lowther family quietly bought back the young Lord’s squandered birthright. He married Lady Grace Gordon, daughter of the 10th Marquess of Huntley, against her parents’ wishes in 1878 and the newlyweds were granted Barleythorpe Hall in Rutland. While hunting on the estate Lady Grace fell losing a baby and leaving her invalided for the rest of her life. Time would tell that the accident ended Lady Grace’s hopes of bearing another child.
In 1882 Lord Lowther’s brother St George, 4th Earl of Lonsdale, died aged 27 leaving his brother, 25, in possession of 150,000 acres of land, a six-figure annual income, revenue from Cumbrian coal mines and principal residence Lowther Castle as well as Whitehaven Castle and a Nash-designed London townhouse at No 15 Carlton House Terrace. With the exception of the House of Lords where he was seldom seen, the Earl launched himself upon London society with all the enthusiasm of a man with unlimited funds at his disposal.
Six feet tall, blonde and with the athletic build of a skilled boxer, rider and yachtsman, the 5th Earl was an imposing figure. His nickname ‘the Yellow Earl’ was coined with no little thanks to his tailor and livery maker Henry Poole & Co. The 2005 biography of his friend Kaiser Wilhelm II describes the 5th Earl thus: ‘At Royal Ascot he took his yellow and black wagonette (horse box) with exactly matching chestnuts, grooms and postilions in yellow livery with every buckle and button shining. He drank white burgundy with breakfast and champagne at midmorning. He had his suits made of his own Lonsdale tweed and produced a different colour of home grown and woven tweed for his staff’.
The Earl grew yellow gardenias for his buttonhole in the hothouses at Lowther Castle and would later order a yellow Rolls Royce with an unusually tall roof to accommodate his black silk top hat. ‘Almost an emperor, not quite a gentleman’ was King Edward VII’s spectacularly hypocritical verdict on the 5th Earl of Lonsdale. Both dallied with the celebrated beauty Lillie Langtry. The Earl’s affair with Violet Cameron (whose opera company he paid to appear in New York) resulted in at least one illegitimate child.
In 1888 the Earl embarked on an expedition to explore the Arctic regions of Canada and nearly lost his life while exploring Alaska. His collection of Inuit artefacts is now in the British Museum. But his travels were secondary to his sporting prowess. While in New York the 5th Earl knocked-out reigning heavyweight champion of the world John L. Sullivan. He was founder member and first President of the National Sporting Club and donated the original Lonsdale Belts for the boxing trophy in 1909. The sports clothing company named after him still trades today.
As well as being master of five hunts including The Quorn (1893-8) and a famously good shot, his prowess as a yachtsman earned the 5th Earl interesting friends. Kaiser Wilhem II had first visited Lowther Castle in 1895 for a grouse shooting party. In 1896 the Earl raced the Kaiser’s yacht, Meteor, at Cowes Royal Regatta and took 17 out of 22 prizes. The friendship caused diplomatic incident when the Kaiser announced his intention to follow a State Visit to his uncle Edward VII at Windsor Castle with a visit to Lowther Castle in 1907.
The King wrote to Sir Charles Hardinge ‘it would in every sense of the word be a mistake’. Sir Frank Lascelles replied from the British Embassy in Berlin ‘Bulow has more than once expressed his regret at the Emperor’s friendship with Lonsdale who, he believes, has done a great deal of mischief, perhaps unintentionally, but unfortunately the Emperor looks upon him as the type of straightforward and honest English gentleman and believes every word he says’. The Kaiser awarded the 5th Earl a knighthood of the First Class Order of the Prussian Crown. With the outbreak of the First World War, the 5th Earl refused to remove a bust of Kasier Wilhelm II from the hall of Lowther Castle.
The 5th Earl had served as Assistant Adjutant-General for the Imperial Yeomanry in the Second Boer War but his activities in the Great War were limited to recruiting horses and men; a service he repeated in 1911 for George V’s Coronation Durbar in Delhi. The Earl’s enthusiasm and patronage for all things sporting saw him become a Senior Steward of the Jockey Club, first President of the International Horse Show at Olympia and Chairman then Honorary President of Arsenal football club. He was also President of the AA and a moderately successful racehorse owner whose ride Royal Lancer won the St Ledger in 1922.
In the reign of King George V the 5th Earl’s mutton chop whiskers, nine inch cigars named in his honour, yellow gardenia buttonholes and estate check tweed suits gave him the appearance of a rather heroic throwback to the flamboyance of the Edwardian era. He could no longer live in the grand manner of a pre-war ‘Lordy’. Whitehaven Castle was sold in 1921 and by 1935 the 5th Earl was forced to leave the Robert Smirke-designed Lowther Castle to live in more modest accommodation. A year later Carlton House Terrace was shut-up and the contents removed for storage at Lowther Castle.
In short the 5th Earl had all but exhausted his vast inheritance. He died without an heir at Stud House, Barleythorpe, in 1944 aged 87. His tombstone was inscribed ‘a great English sportsman’. The Earldom passed to the 5th Earl’s brother Lancelot who was forced to sell the contents of Lowther Castle in 1947. The roof was removed and the castle left to gently decay. In 2012 the ruined facade of Lowther Castle was shored up, the surrounding buildings restored and the landscape brought back to its former glory after a £9 million restoration project.
(c) James Sherwood




THE YELLOW EARL – Almost an Emperor but not quite a Gentleman – Hugh Lowther, 5th Earl of Lonsdale
An Appreciation by Robert Jarman

In a lifetime of studying the habits and habitats, eccentricities and antics of the British Aristocracy, I have seldom come across any character as amusing, entertaining, eccentric, or as profligate as Hugh Lonsdale.

The best known of the Earls of Lonsdale, and perhaps the most famous English Lord in the world in his time, Hugh Cecil Lowther was born on 25th January, 1857.

The 2nd Earl was still alive when Hugh was born, and he was very much a part of Society.

His ancient lineage, high rank and his important political offices, and above all, his immense personal fortune made his position secure, and he was to live for another fifteen years after Hugh was born, to enjoy his two favourite sports, of hunting and entertaining actresses.

When he died, in the arms of a well-known opera singer, he was succeeded by his nephew, Hugh Lonsdale’s father – but Hugh and his two younger brothers, Charles and Lancelot, knew the likelihood of their ever succeeding to the spectacular family fortunes remained remote.

In fact, so unconsidered was Hugh’s chance of succession that his father could not be persuaded to bother to educate him properly, and whilst his elder brother, St George was being carefully groomed for a gilded future, Hugh spent most of his time in the stable yard of the family home at Asfordby, or running wild in the surrounding countryside.

As a penniless, wayward, younger son who had not expected to inherit, Hugh had joined a travelling circus for a year after leaving Eton, and travelled to America, spending months buffalo-hunting, and had pawned his birthright to make his fortune from cattle ranching in Wyoming.  When the scheme failed, the family trustees bought back his inheritance rights, and allowed him to live at Lowther.

Hugh’s resentment of his incredibly rich elder brother became an obsession, and he desperately tried to outdo him, which led to a series of scandals which caused many of the desirable doors in Society, to be closed to him, and he was almost reduced to bankruptcy.

The Yellow Earl and Lowther Castle


Hugh Lowther, who unexpectedly became the 5th Earl of Lonsdale and Lowther Castle which he inherited along with the title

Fortunately, at the eleventh hour, his elder brother, St George died, and Hugh, spurned by Society, and hounded by his creditors, became overnight one of the richest men in England.  He was only 25 when he unexpectedly, inherited the title in 1882.

In addition to his many titles, he inherited a Kingdom in Cumberland and Westmorland, along with Lowther Castle, which was one of the largest houses in the country.  It was built between 1806 and 1811 and had 365 rooms, one for each day of the year!

There was an agricultural estate of fifty thousand acres, and another fifty thousand acres of common land, over which he owned most of the sporting and mineral rights. There were the lakes of Windermere and Grasmere, and the ruggedly beautiful Hawes Water.

In West Cumberland, he owned the entire town of Whitehaven with the rich coalfields which stretched far under the Irish Sea, and another family seat, Whitehaven Castle.


Hugh Lowther with dogs Carlton House Terrace

In London two of the great Mansions in Carlton House Terrace were knocked into one, providing him with a huge townhouse.  There was another house at Newmarket, and two, fully crewed Steam Yachts lying at anchor at Cowes. There were rich lands in the heart of hunting country in Rutland and the magnificent hunting box and stables at Barleythorpe.

Above all, from his own coal fields, iron mines, and agricultural lands, there flowed a prodigious tax-free income of almost £4000 a week then, which would now be worth £400,000 a week, or £20,000,000 (twenty million) a year.

Having been frustrated for so long, Hugh Lonsdale set about enjoying his good fortune with great enthusiasm, trumpeting like a thirsty bull elephant who suddenly scents water, he cut a swathe through Society.

His boyhood had made him shy and uneasy, with his social equals, and he covered this shyness in Society with a flamboyance, which, even in the ostentatious age of the Edwardians, people found hard to accept.

At the same time, his passionate devotion to sport, and his instinct for ‘fair play’ and his showman’s love of the spectacular earned him the adulation of the crowds and a reputation as England’s Greatest Sportsman which spread far beyond this green and pleasant land.

His Yellow Carriages, his colourful entourage and his feudal style of living made him one of the best known figures of his time; what the modern media would describe as a ‘celebrity’, but he was much more than that.

His huge cigars, immaculate clothes, and ever-fresh gardenia were the delight of the cartoonists of the day.  His public appearances at sporting events were acclaimed with as much delight as if he had been Royalty.

As he drove down the course at Ascot behind the King, his yellow carriages and liveried postillions made the Royal Carriages look drab and dowdy by comparison, the cheers for ‘Lordy’ as the working classes called him, were at least as loud and prolonged as those for the King.

He was a founding member of the National Sporting Club and he donated the original Lonsdale Belts for boxing.  His name was also given to a clothing brand of boxing garments, worn by Muhammad Ali, and many great athletes.

High profile affairs with the actresses Lillie Langtree, and Violet Cameron led to him being advised by Queen Victoria to leave the country until the scandal died down.

Heeding her advice, in 1888, he went to the Arctic, on a gruelling polar expedition in which over 100 guides died.  Lonsdale set out to reach the North Pole, nearly dying before reaching Kodiak, Alaska in 1889, and in 1890 he returned to England, a hero and a celebrity.

Under the 5th Earl, Lowther enjoyed both a colourful heyday and an expensive swansong.


Lowther Castle with yellow Rolls Royces

The Yellow Earl had his regiment of yellow-liveried servants.  He had his fleet of yellow motor-cars, and his pack of yellow dogs, and a hot-house to grow yellow gardenias for his buttonhole.

He was known as the Yellow Earl for his penchant for the colour, and was a founder and first President of the Automobile Association (AA) which adopted his livery.

The Lowther coat-of-arms was reproduced every morning in the centre of the stable yard using coloured chalk powders on freshly laid sand.

He extended the estate – flattening 20 farms in the process in order to create the largest enclosed parkland in England, mainly to upstage the Royal Family at Windsor Great Park.

The Yellow Earl redecorated the house, and added to the gardens, as a setting for lavish entertainment and royal visits, which included the German Kaiser in 1895, when Hugh had made extravagant arrangements to entertain the Kaiser.

Dissatisfied with reports on the grouse on his own moor at Shap, Lonsdale had rented the Earl of Strathmore’s famous moor at Wemmergill, for the opening day of the grouse season, and in four drives they shot over 500 brace!

This was just one of the many elaborate entertainments arranged for the Kaiser’s visit, following which the Kaiser bestowed an honorary Title on Hugh Lowther, which is the German equivalent to  ‘Master of the King’s Horse’.

Lonsdale was a keen sportsman, a talented horseman, and a ‘horse whisperer’ of his day, patron of hunting and racing, and founder of the Royal International Horse Show.  He also supported local sports such as hound-trailing, fell-running and Cumberland and Westmorland wrestling and instigated the Lonsdale Belt for boxing.


Hugh Lowther on horseback with cigar

Lord Lonsdale was the inspiration for the Lonsdale cigar size, and was part of a famous wager with John Pierpoint Morgan over whether a man could circumnavigate the globe and remain unidentified.

Perhaps the most famous story of all which Hugh used to tell of his young days was of the time he went to New York to fight the then World Heavyweight Champion of the World, John L. Sullivan.

At the beginning of the eighteen nineties, the formidable figure of John J. Sullivan, dominated the boxing scene.

There may since have been more skilful fighters, and holders of the proud title, Heavyweight Champion of the World, but for sheer power and ferocity, John J. Sullivan still stands, head and shoulders above his successors.

Sullivan’s rise from a poverty stricken childhood was meteoric.  He would fight everyone and anyone, and as World Champion, he toured the United States offering £300 to anyone who could knock him down, and he never had to pay out.

‘I’ll fight anyone except pigs, dogs, and niggers’ (sic) he would roar, sweeping all the glasses off the counter of the Saloon, and happily taking on anyone who objected to his conduct.  He was a braggart and bully of the worst description, particularly when he had drunk too much which was very often.

In spite of his heavy drinking his massive frame stood up to all the punishment his opponents could hand out, until he was finally stopped by ‘Gentleman Jim’ Corbett after more than ten impregnable years.

The Champion of England at the time was Jem Smith and there was much talk of a match between Smith and Sullivan to take place in the presence of the Prince of Wales.  Furious at the suggestion that Smith might have the better of him,  Sullivan offered to fight him for nothing and pay him £200 into the bargain.

However, for whatever reason, this match never took place, but the general feeling was that, at the height of his career, Sullivan would have been to much for the gallant Jem Smith.

Hugh Lowther, typically, took the opposite view, and boasted one evening to a group of admiring friends that he himself would be quite prepared to put on the gloves with the great Sullivan.

One of the group was Haydn Coffin, the actor, who was leaving the following day to tour the US and, meeting Sullivan a few weeks later, Coffin remarked that there was a young aristocrat in England who was game to have a bout with him.

This news electrified Sullivan who said : ‘If he wants a fight he can have one, and that goes for any ‘Dooks’ and ‘Oils’ as he cares to bring with him’.

Eventually a Match was arranged in the greatest secrecy, and Hugh Lowther sailed for New York.

The match had been arranged at the Central Park Academy as to the fight itself Hugh Lowther himself wrote an account of it all in late years for The People.

The account was very detailed so I will not repeat it here but suffice to say that Hugh Lowther beat John L Sullivan after a vicious battle.

Hugh Lowther finished his account with the words, “I can look at my strong right hand and say with truth, this hand put to sleep John L. Sullivan!”  Modesty was never one of Hugh Lowther’s weaknesses.

Because of the secrecy with which the whole affair was conducted, doubts were later raised as to whether the fight took place at all.

Whatever the real truth of the matter the effect of the reports on the fight on Hugh’s reputation with the sporting public was immense and further enhanced his celebrity status.

Hugh was a consummate sportsman.  He enjoyed foxhunting, serving as Master of The Quorn from 1893 to 1898, and was also a keen football fan.

He was chairman of Arsenal Football Club for a brief period in 1936 (having previously been a club director), and later became the club’s Honorary President.

But in a long life he spent the family fortune, bankrupting his coal mines which were the source of his great wealth. This, the high taxes and the slump in farm incomes of the Great Depression of the 30s led to the closing of Lowther Castle in 1936.

His lavish entertainment of the Kaiser and other European Royalty, his vast stables of horses, his private Orchestra and the money he poured into equipping the private battalions he raised to fight in the Boer War, and the First World War, finally took its toll on his finances.

Step by step he retreated as the lights of his personal empire were snuffed out one by one.

Whitehaven Castle was sold, then Barleythorpe, and finally Carlton House Terrace and Lowther Castle had to be closed, although the latter still remains in the family’s ownership, and there have been half-hearted attempts to restore it to its former glory, but it has proved too big a project.

It is impossible to even begin to tell his story in so few words, but he was undoubtedly one of the greatest ‘characters’ the Peerage has ever produced, and his infamous antics are unlikely ever to be repeated.

Hugh Lowther was never quite accepted by Victorian Society, and was once described by Lord Ancaster as ‘almost an Emperor, but not quite a Gentleman’; something Hugh Lowther might have considered a compliment not a criticism!

The longest lived of the Earls of Lonsdale, the 5th Earl died in 1944 with no heir and with little concern for those who would be burdened by the Castle, the estate and his debts, which were inherited by his (by then aged) youngest brother Lancelot who sold the majority of the family collections in 1947.  The 6th Earl died in 1953.

By contrast, the 7th Earl, whom I met, a year before he died in 2006, aged 82, was a conservationist, businessman and the saviour of his family estates in Westmoreland and Cumberland, and largely responsible for the preservation of the Lake District as we know it today.

Robert Jarman – Editor and Founder


Tweedland 's "Country House Weekend" / Christopher Simon Sykes. / VIDEO:COUNTRY HOUSE CAMERA

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Country House Camera
by Christopher Simon Sykes (Author), Nigel Nicolson (Author), Clive Aslet (Author)

A treasury of aristocratic photography from the 1850s to 1930s from archives. Art and literature may convey beautifully one person's perception of a place, but a photograph is the only way to preserve the actual reality of a scene, a moment in time and space frozen forever. Photographs and cameras caught the imagination of the upper classes in Victorian Britain very quickly, and so it is not surprising that much early photography involved country houses and those that frequented them. The earliest photographic negative in existence, made in 1835 by William Fox Talbot, is of Lacock Abbey in Wiltshire. Over 300 of which are reproduced here. They range from formal portraits to hunting, shooting and fishing, early motorcars, "bright young things" at play, gardens, servants, pets, children and babies. Popular fashion included the Russian high collar blouse, young ladies wearing white with hats and lingerie bonnets and many sitters hold a dog, a rifle, flowers or a book. Lady Herbert peeps out of the background in a photograph of her four pugs in seats on the verandah. Queen Victoria takes lunch with the family at Windsor Castle. Nannies and nurseries, here is all Victorian upper-class life plus wounded soldiers and even a seaweed collector! With captions and informative text. 9½" x 12½". 214pp


CHRISTOPHER SIMON SYKES is a photographer and writer. He specializes in architectural and garden photography, and writes on architecture and social history. Sykes worked with Eric Clapton on his autobiography, Clapton, and his work has appeared in publications such as Vogue, Vanity Fair, Town and Country, and Architechtural Digest. He lives with his wife and daughter in North London




Look What We Have Built—Clip from "Citizen Jane: Battle for the City"

Citizen Jane / The woman who saved old New York / VIDEO: Citizen Jane: Battle for the City Official Trailer 1 (2017) - Documentary

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In 1960 Jane Jacobs’s book The Death and Life of Great American Cities sent shockwaves through the architecture and planning worlds, with its exploration of the consequences of modern planners’ and architects’ reconfiguration of cities. Jacobs was also an activist, who was involved in many fights in mid-century New York, to stop “master builder” Robert Moses from running roughshod over the city. This film retraces the battles for the city as personified by Jacobs and Moses, as urbanization moves to the very front of the global agenda. Many of the clues for formulating solutions to the dizzying array of urban issues can be found in Jacobs’s prescient text, and a close second look at her thinking and writing about cities is very much in order. This film sets out to examine the city of today though the lens of one of its greatest champions.


How one woman harnessed people power to ‘save’ old New York
New film tells story of Jane Jacobs’s battles against the wealthiest developers in the city
Jane Jacobs ‘wrote the manual on social activism’.

Edward Helmore
Sunday 23 April 2017 00.05 BST

She was a beaky, bespectacled architecture writer, hardly a figure likely to ignite protests that changed the shape of one of the world’s great cities. Yet such is the legend of Jane Jacobs and her bitter struggles to preserve the heart of New York from modernisation that a film charting her astonishing victories over some of the most powerful developers in the US is set to inspire a new generation of urban activists around the world.

Citizen Jane: Battle for the City tells the story of Jacobs, author of The Death and Life of Great American Cities, who made herself the bane of New York’s powerful city planners from the 1950s to 1970s. Her nemesis was Robert Moses, the city’s powerful master builder and advocate of urban renewal, or wholesale neighbourhood clearance – what author James Baldwin termed “negro removal”.

Moses dismissed the protesters as “a bunch of mothers”, and attempted to ignore their efforts to attract wider attention, which included taping white crosses across their glasses in the style of Jacobs.

But through a combination of grassroots activism, fundraising and persistence, Jacobs blocked Moses and successive city overlords from running Fifth Avenue through the historic Washington Square, tearing down much of SoHo and Little Italy to make way for a billion-dollar expressway, and building a six-lane highway up Manhattan’s west side.

“Some issues you fight with lawsuits and buy time that way,” she later wrote. “With others, you buy time by throwing other kinds of monkey wrenches in. You have to buy time in all these fights. The lawsuit is the more expensive way.”

Jacobs warned of the dangers of mixing big business and government, and called them “monstrous hybrids”. She warned, too, that huge housing projects favoured by developers from the school of Le Corbusier would only bring social dislocation to the poor while making developers wealthy.


Jacobs’s method of prevarication, says Citizen Jane director Matt Tyrnauer, wrote the manual for activism. “Speaking truth to power was her great strength, and she was fearless, but she was also a great strategist and analysed how to get to politicians and threaten them in ways that were going to be effective.”

Robert Hammond, who produced Citizen Jane and co-founded the High Line, a significant renewal project along Manhattan’s west side that turned an elevated rail track into a garden and walkway, says key to her protest was targeting lower-tier elected officials “because they depend on you for their jobs and they know it. She understood that fighting government is a slog, and no matter how powerful you think people are, things can be changed … the value of individuals coming together and working as an organism, which today we call crowdsourcing.”

Those lessons, in particular Jacobs’s later studies of economics, helped shape The Indivisible Project, an umbrella organisation for thousands of protest groups that have sprung up in the US in the aftermath of the presidential election.

Tyrnauer, who previously directed Valentino: The Last Emperor, considers that Indivisible’s activism, which includes berating local officials and challenging congressional leaders at town hall meetings, “is cut from the Jacobs playbook”. Late last year the group’s founders, four congressional aides moved to act by the election of Donald Trump, published suggestions that have become central to democratic resistance. Six thousand groups have registered so far, seeking to follow Indivisible’s basic, Jacobs-esque credo: localised defensive advocacy; recognition that elected representatives think primarily about re-election and how to use that; efforts to build constituent power through organically formed, locally led groups; and a focus on congressional representatives via town hall meetings, district office visits and mass phone calls.

Jane Jacobs won many victories over her nemesis Robert Moses, the powerful master builder.
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Jane Jacobs won many victories over her nemesis Robert Moses, the powerful master builder. Photograph: Library of Congress/Sundance Selects
“In her academic and personal life, Jacobs looked at the power individuals have in their own communities,” says co-founder and executive director Ezra Levin. “Indivisible is fundamentally about constituent power, and we recommend that people assert that power on their own turf, in their own communities.” But the connection runs deeper. Jacobs maintained cities are best left to be self-organising. Too much control and they become lifeless. She believed they should be messy – something old, something new – and warned of the concentration of money and too little diversity. Crucial to Indivisible’s success is an individual group’s basic autonomy. “It’s crucial that this is not a franchise operation. We’ve created a platform but the decisions these groups are taking, or their exact form is fundamentally driven at a local level.”

Jacobs, who died in 2006 and whose centennial falls this year, used to tell an anti-authoritarian story about a preacher who warns children: “In hell, there will be wailing and weeping and gnashing of teeth.”

“What if you don’t have teeth?” one of the children asks.

“Then teeth will be provided.”

“That’s it – the spirit of the designed city: teeth will be provided for you,” she told the New Yorker in 2004.

In Citizen Jane, the documentarians seek to apply the lessons of Manhattan in the 50s to the urbanisation of China and India. The results are inconclusive.

Many of the challenges cities now face, at least in the west, are reversals of the clearances that affected cities in the last century. “The suburbs are where the poor people are moved to, and they’re becoming more impractical than cities to live in,” says Hammond.


Film Review: ‘Citizen Jane: Battle for the City’
Owen Gleiberman
Chief Film Critic

A fascinating documentary captures the showdown, half a century ago, between the activist Jane Jacobs and the Trumpian urban planner Robert Moses: a fight for the future of New York.

“Citizen Jane: Battle for the City,” directed by the gifted journalist and documentarian Matt Tyrnauer (“Valentino: The Last Emperor”), tells the story of a David-and-Goliath fight over urban planning that took place more than 50 years ago. Yet the movie just about pulses with contemporary resonance. It has moments of uncanny overlap with this week’s election, and it explores the scope and meaning of that overly familiar thing — the city — in ways that will box open your thinking. It’s a finely woven tapestry that feels as relevant and alive as the place you live.

It’s also got great sparks of conflict. The movie, which kicked off the seventh DOC NYC film festival last night, features two nearly mythological antagonists. In one corner is Robert Moses, the scabrous New York power broker and construction czar who, in the years after World War II, transformed the city by gutting its poorer sections and erecting miles of concrete-slab housing projects and snaking superhighways. In the other corner is Jane Jacobs, activist and author of “The Death and Life of Great American Cities” (1961), who led an uprising against Moses’ dehumanized dream of a paved-over utopia. She fought his plans to destroy Washington Square Park, to bulldoze the beautiful historic buildings of Greenwich Village, and to bisect lower Manhattan with an expressway that would likely have been the most ruinous — and influential — disaster of urban “renewal” in the history of the United States.

It’s no trick figuring out who to root for, but the fascination of “Citizen Jane” isn’t just in seeing how Jacobs took on the system and won. The movie invites you to sink into her challengingly supple and vibrant analysis of why cities, which we mostly take for granted, are in fact rather magical places. Even if you live in one and think you know it inside out, you come away from “Citizen Jane” understanding, more than you did going in, the special chemistry of what makes a city tick.

It comes from the ground up — and that’s the tricky thing to see, since urban planning generally occurs from the top down. Moses started out in the ’30s as a progressive thinker, but his idea of what it would take to make cities better evolved into a Teutonic, machine-age vision of monolithic apartment buildings in massively organized rows and “clean” streetscapes erected in place of all the neighborhood hurly-burly. We see Moses in clips from the ’40s and ’50s, a blustery, dour-looking man whose eyes gleam with reptilian cunning, and each time he talks about making things better, he expresses such high-handed contempt for those who’ll be displaced that he sounds like he’s talking about roaches. His “philosophy” walks a thin line between improvement and incineration.

Jane Jacobs rejects all of this, but not just on basic common moral human grounds. At heart, she’s an anthropologist, and her subject is the mysterious spirituality of neighborhoods: the way they evolve, over generations, into thriving organic places that are nurturing and protective and are embedded with stories that rise out of the streets. Jacobs makes the point that true neighborhoods, with clusters of small businesses and people sitting on stoops, are far safer than the stark moonscapes proposed by Moses — there are more people around, so the streets are more naturally patrolled. (Sure enough, once housing projects started to get built, they turned out to be far more dangerous places.) More than just “blocks,” they’re human networks, enveloping hives.

This is only Tyrnauer’s second feature, but he has taken a subject that might have been dryly academic and turned it into a visual hymn to the streets of New York — to how their development, over the 20th century, influenced everything around them. Tyrnauer interpolates clips from the ’20s, ’30s, ’40s, ’50s, and ’60s, to the point that the past starts to feel like a living thing. New York was built, but more than that it metastasized, so when Moses treated low-income sections of it as a “cancer” that had to be cut out (he would happily have razed Harlem), he was violating the city’s essence.

Jacobs’ first fight with him is over his attempt to extend Fifth Avenue through the center of Washington Square Park. Sure, it’s just one park, but ask anyone in London or Paris — or the stroller-wheeling mothers of Greenwich Village — how serenely uplifting a park can be. What Moses really wanted to do was take a gathering place and put a spike through it. Jacobs, who at this point was an unknown journalist thought of by her foes as a “housewife,” wrote letters, went to meetings, formed and led a coalition, and in the end shot the plan down.

With her long thin nose, graying hair, and elfin grin, Jacobs bears a striking resemblance to the film critic Pauline Kael (with a hint of a female Poindexter), and she’s got some of Kael’s playful imperiousness. Born in 1916, she’s a bohemian scamp who starts off writing about the city for places like Vogue. By the time she reaches her forties, she has evolved into an activist, but in the least self-righteous way possible; she wants to preserve her home. In the duel between herself and Moses, gender is far from incidental, and not just because Jacobs emerged out of the same second-wave-feminist era defined by writers like Betty Friedan (“The Feminine Mystique”) and Rachel Carson (“Silent Spring”). Jacobs’ vision of the city was bravely and spectacularly feminine: She viewed it as a teeming enigmatic cooperative, a garden of earthly delights, whereas Moses, offering a degraded version of the ideas of the Swiss-French architect and urban planner Le Courboisier (who’d created the template of the future presented at the 1939 World’s Fair), was all about abstract masculine dominion: tall hard buildings, no hint of mess, a city that was nothing but sharp edges.

Since we’re talking about buildings, it’s no stretch to say that there’s something more than a little Trumpian about Robert Moses. His drive to erect looming, impersonal housing was a form of control; his desire to sweep everything else away was even worse — a fascism of the spirit. “Citizen Jane” provides stunning evidence that as the population explodes, more and more cities around the world are being built in the spirit of Robert Moses: acres of skyscraper cages for the anonymous horde. Yet the spirit of Jane Jacobs is heard each time a neighborhood is allowed to evolve. What she fought and defeated, most dramatically by keeping a highway out of lower Manhattan, was the prototype for urban planning that would steamroll everyone it was supposed to be planning for. Jacobs insisted that the city is a place for the people. That’s why it can’t just “serve” them; it has to express who they are.

Film Review: 'Citizen Jane: Battle for the City'
Reviewed at SVA Theatre (DOC NYC), New York, November 10, 2016. MPAA Rating: Not rated. Running time: 92 MIN.
Production
An Altimeter Films production. Producers: Matt Tyrnauer, Robert Hammond, Corey Reeser, Jessica Van Garsse.
Crew
Director: Matt Tyrnauer. Camera (color, widescreen): Chris Dapkins. Editors: Daniel Morfesis, Andrea Lewis.
With
Jane Jacobs, Robert Moses.
FILED UNDER: Citizen Jane: Battle for the City


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